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iSBi$TER And company 


$6 LUDCATE hill' tONDON 

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. PubUr ’**>'■** .f 



JANUARY, 1887 


Thoughts about Party By tho Rarl of Solborne 1 

India A Reply to Mr S femith, M P By Sir M h Grant Duff 8 

Paul Bert’s Science m i'ohtics By Madame Juliette Adam 32 

Is Constantinople worth Iightmg for ’ By An Old Resident 45 

M Zola as a Critic By Frank 1 Marzials 57 

Railway Rates By C T D Acland, M P 71 

Professor Dicey on Home Rule By Canon MacColl 84 

Bogs m Lon<l()n By Sir Charles Warren 104 

The Lower > ilucation of W omen By Helen M‘Kerlie 1 12 

Jubilee lime in Ireland By T M Healy, M P 120 

Contemporary Lift and Thought in the United States 

Un vcrsity Education By President Charles K Adams 131 

Contemporr y Records 

1 Oriental History By Professor Sayce 141 

I^ Social Philosophy By Tohn Rae 145 

II General Literature 150 

bEBRUARY, 1887 

Ireland 1782 and 1880 By Lord Edmond Iit/mauncc 
About Fiction By H Rider Haggard 
» India — II By Sir M E Grant Duff 
Theology as an Academic Discipline By A M Fairbaini, D D 
An Old Couple By Michael Field 
The People s Palace By Walter Besaut 
Kerry A Plea for Homo Rule By the Rca H S I igan 
I he Navy and its Rulers By Sir R Spencer Robinson 
Contemporary Life and Thought in Italy By G Boglietti 
Contemporary Records 

I Poetry ByW P Kcr 
II General Literature 

MARCH, 1887 

Home Rule and Imperial Unit\ By Lord Thring 305 

Transylvanian Peoples By E Gfirard 327 

The R^ical Programme By the Earl of Selbome 347 

Remedies for Fluctuations of General Prices By Professdr Alfred Marshall 355 

The Old Testament Ancient Monuments and Modem Cntics By Capt Conder J76 
The Dechne and Fall of Br Faustus By E R Pennell 394 

The National Church as a Federal Union By James Martmeau, D D 408 

Contemporary Life and Thought m France By Gabriel Monod 434 

Contemporary Record 

General Literature 453 














APRIL, 1887 


The Call of Savonarola By Emilio Castclar 457 

The Day after To Morrow By Robert Louis Ste\ enson 472 

The Service of Man By Richard Holt Hutton 480 

Commercial Museums By Kenric B Murray 494 

The Imaginative Art of the Renaissance By \ ernon Lee 507 

Prohibition in the United States By Axel Gustafson 531 

1 he Decline of the Drama By Harry Quilter 547 

Captam Conder and Modem Critics By Professor Robertson Smith 561 

Eor Better for Worse By the Author of '‘John Halifax, Gentleman ’ 570 

The Plan of Campaign By Samuel Laiog 577 

Contemporary Life and Thought in Germany By Dr H GefTcken 580 

Contemporary Record 

Church History By Professor G T Stokes 602 

MAY, 1887 

Oxford after Forty Years — I By L A Iroeman, D C L 609 

An Apolo^ for Armies By a Modern Soldier 624 \ 

Holes in tne Education Net By Millicent Garrett F iwcctt bS9 

^ Our Self conscious Selves By H D IraiU b54 

Notes on Colomal Zoology By St George Mivart 668 

Confessions of a Metropolitan Member By Professor Thorold Rogers 681 

The American State and the American Man By Albert Shaw 695 

The Playwrights of Pans By Theodore Child 712 

I Chautauqua— A Popular University By Dr J H Vincent 725 

How we became Home Rulers By James Bryce, M P 736 

JUNE, 1887 

The Gi eat Olympian Sedj^jo^ By the Right Hon \V E Gladstone MP 
me Libe^ Party a^ ^ ' By R W Dale 

IhomM Slevensop j, ngmeer By Robert Louis Stevenson 

I^aith Herfin^ "^adFear Killing By 1< ranees Power Cobbe 
Oxford aftrj- Years —II By Edward A Ireeman D C L 

^ ^^lagiansm By Andrew Lang 

^Professo g Political Philosophy By D G Ritchie 

Leasehold I nfranchisement By Howard Fvans 
The Tendencies of French Art By Harry Quilter , ^ 

Our Position in Cyprus By H Rider Haggard 
^ Annus Aureolas A Jubilee Ode By Robert Buchanan 
Contempornry Record « ti 

Old Testament Literature By Professor S R Dnver 













M r JUSTIN MCCARTHY, m his History of the Four Georges ” 
predicts that “ the principle of Government by party Will 
some time or other come to be put to the challenge m English 
political life^^ 

He refers (I think justly) the origin of the modern form of that 
system to the days of Pulteney and Walpole There had been, of 
course, earlier parties, exercising a powerful influence upon govern- 
ment , but had been of a different kind — constitutional, 

dynastic, or religious 

AVitli Pulteney and his tactics ” says ]\Ii McCarthy, began the party 
organization which, inside the House of Commons and outside, works 
unceasingly with tongue and pin, with open antagonism and underhand 
intrigue, with all tlu various social as well as political influences- the 
pamphlet, the Press, the petticoat, even the pulpit — to discredit everything 
done by the men in cflice, to turn public opinion against them, and, it 
possible, to overthrow them Insido the House he made it Ins busi- 

ness to form a pirty which should assail the Ministry on all points, he in wnt 
to find occasion for atticking it, attack it rightly or wrongly, attack it even 
at the risk of exposing national weakness or bringing on national danger, 
keep attacking it always Pulteney and his companions sot themselves 

to appeal especially to the prejudices, p issions, and ignorance of the vulgar 
herd They made it their business to create a public opinion of their own 
They dealt in the manufacture of public opinion They set up political shops 
to retail the article which they had thus manufactured ” 

This Mr McCarthy declares to have been unquestionably the 
policy of all our more modern English parties , ” though he thinks 
that an English Opposition would be, m our time, more scrupulous 
than Pulteney and his supporters sometimes were Some of the out- 
lines and colours of this picture might have been taken from life at 
the present day the social as well as political influences '’-—(clubs, 




Piimrose Leagues/^ and whatevci may be the name of the imitated 
article upon the other side) — the manufacture of public opinion — 
and the political shops set up to retail the manufactijired article 
We have learnt better manners (I hope, because we have worthier 
thoughts of, and more generous feelings towards, the less-instiuctcd 
multitudes of our countrymen) than to talk of ^'the vulgar herd,^^ 
but appeals fiom classes to " masses ’’ are still not unknown 
The art may have been impiovcd since Pulteney^s time, neither 
party has a monopoly of it , nor is it, by any means, confined to the 
party which may be, for the time being, in opposition If there 
were nothing to be said on the other side, the picture is one which 
might suggest to honest minds serious misgivings as to the ultimate 
tendencies of such a system 

It is too late, after tins particular system has moulded our political 
life for more than a century and a half (so as to become almost a 
part of the Constitution under which wc live), to reason about it 
philosophically, or to attempt to strike a balance between its good 
and its evil If it comes to be put to the challcnge,^^ this cannot 
be done by means of any speculative reasoning , it must be by a 
natural evolution of its consequences , by the practical develop- 
ments to which it may lead Parties (wc may be quite sure) there will 
continue to be, but the question is, what parties, and for what 
purposes ^ It is no lartv ot Nature or necessity that there should 
always be two, and only two, parties in the Bntish State 

Nobody can deny that there has been a good side, as well as a bad, 
to the system of Government by party The administration of 
public affairs lias been purified (if its efficiency in some respects 
may not have been increased) by the organized observation and 
criticism of the acts of Government, inscpaiablc from this system , 
and the countiy has had the advantage of having provided for it a 
constant supply of statesmen, ready to take Ihe reins on every turn 
of public opinion, and trained, alternately, m independence and in 
the conduct of affairs 

Ever since the days of Pulteney, and through all the changes 
which the character of our parties has from time to time undergone, 
there may be traced a certain intelligible diffeience of sentiment, 
which has redeemed them from mere factiousness, and has made 
them representative, each in an especial manner and degree, of two 
pnnciples, both really indispensable to good government The 
pro^ailing sentiment of the one party has been that of the necessity 
of maintaining the safety of the State, and the authority of Govern- 
ment , of the other, sympathy with the people, and the development 
of popular institutions Nothing is more dangerous to a nation than 
that these two principles should be really divorced from and opposed 
to each other , the undue prevalence of the former might lead to 



misgovernraent by a violent suppression of liberty , the undue pre- 
valence of the other might produce the same results by a different 
rocid, substituting emotion for reason as the ruling element in 
politics Theoretically, it would be best that both sentiments should 
be combined in all statesmen, of all parties , practically, and in this 
country, some approach to that result has been actually made by the 
mutual action and reaction upon each other of two parties, in each of 
which the one sentiment, or the other, has predominated 

I think that, from this point of view, there mav have been a real 
continuity m all our parties, from Pultcncy’s tunc to this day It 
IS impossible to read Akensule^s ode “ To Curio,^^ upon the termination 
of Pultcncy^s career, without feeling that his cause had not been 
that of a faction only, and that the principle which Akenside 
idcntihed with it was the popular one, which I have endeavoured to 
describe Nobody can doubt that the same was also the principle 
of the AV higs of the school of Chatham, Camden, Kockingham, and 
Uurke Tlie disruption of parties which took place at the time of 
the fust Prencli lievolution proved that party spirit had not then 
eaten so far into the life of patriotism and public virtue, as to prevent 
tiue Libeials from rallying to the support of the first principles of 
Oovernmeut, which they thought endangered, and refusing to 
sunender themselves to the uncontrolled sway of the emotional, as 
opposed to the rational, element in politics 

If I were asked to specify a time, at which the evils ofj lartv 
government weie at their lowest, and the benefits at their ij ;hcst 
point, I should be inclined to suggest the period from the passing of 
the first Ileform Act to the death of Sir Robpit Peel The Reform 
crisis was a dangerous one it was by the operation of the party 
system, under favourable circumstances, that its dangers were pre- 
vented or surmounted The best condition of things is when the 
partv of movement hai definite objects, coinciding with real public 
wants, and is strong enough to accomplish them by constitutional 
methods, and under no overpowering temptation to abuse its strength , 
and when the party of resistance is compelled, for the sake of the 
very interests which it wishes to defend, to adopt prudent and 
moderate counsels This happened during the earlier and more 
difficult portion of the period I have mentioned There was a long 
arrear of necessary Reforms — Parliamentary Reform, Municipal Re- 
form, Law Reform, the Abohtion of Slavery, Free Trade, Poor Law 
Reform, much more, there was a popular impulse, more than 
sufficient to carry them , and the Liberal Government, by procunng 
the dissolution of the Political Unions after the passing of the Reform 
Act, proved its desire and determination to rely on constitutional 
means, without rontrollmg the independence of Parliament by the 
use of extraneous machinery Their opponents, under Sir Robert 



Peel, *^it£ie^ted defeat with temper and good sense, as well as courage 
and firmness , and they did not misunderstand the lessons of the time 
By the help of leaders, on each side, whose ambition was controlled 
by a sense of responsibility and public duty, both the extremes of 
dangerous violence and dangerous obstruction were avoided , and 
there was no reaction or rctiogression, after the popularity of the 
Libeials had declined, and wh^^n the party led bv the Duke of 
Wellington and Sir Robert Peel succeeded to power 

The parties and politics of the present century, though united by that 
thread of continuity which I have mentioned with the parties and 
politics of the Iast,differ widely from them in many and material respects 
The old names (which had already more than once changed their mean- 
ing, for Pitt, G renvillc, and Canning were not Tories in the old sense 
of that word) went practically out of use The word Whig^^ was 
not dropped by those who had inherited it, and who cherished its 
traditions , but the great party, which then followed Whig leaders, 
was known m the country by the new and more significant names of 
" Reformers and “ Liberals And the party led by Sir Robert 
Peel no longer called itself Tory,” but Conservative By Con- 
servatism Sir Robert Peel did not mean obstruction, or inaction 
He knew, as well as any man, that continual renovation and growth 
were accessary for the preservation of the life of the body politic, 
as well as for that of the natural body He governed on really Liberal 
principles from 1811 to 1816, and did what he thought his duty to 
the country, though at the tost (in the cud) of his own power, and 
of a new dislocation of partic^i 

Mr Disraeli rose unoii the fall of Sir Robert Peel, and the Con- 
sciy^tue party underwent a verv considerable transformation under 
hiss leadership He did not like the name Conservative,^' probablj 
because he thought it 1 ad the disadvantage, as compared with 
Liberal/' of appearing to signify a stationary and colourless, 
rather than an active and generous, principle But in bringing back, 
as he endeavoured to do, the word “ Tory," he did not gam much 
from the historical associations wifh which that name had been sur- 
rounded , and the word Conservative did not, as he probably 
intended, fall out of use Party names (whether they mean much, 
little, or nothing) are, of course, meant in practice to be symbols 
and badges of partisanship But m respectable partisanship there 
must be at least a profession of attachment to some principle, and for 
that purpose there is much in a name Blue " and “ Yellow " may 
have been enough in times past, but, in proportion to the general 
growth of intelligence, something which has a semblance of good 
meaning answers better 

Mr Disraeli, in reverting to a word which had historical associa- 
tions, but no leal meaning, was probably actuated by a sense that the 



pajty, whose traditions he did not wish rudely to disturb, was then 
entering upon a new phase, in which it would be a necessary condition 
of its acquiring power and influence, and doing public service, that 
xt should be more pliable and elastic, mors in touch and sympathy 
With popular wants and popular sentiments, than it had been before 
It is not easy, from that point of view, to justify the means by which he 
rose , but tlie use which he made of power was in accordance with what 
seem, fiom his writings, to have been his real sympathies and opinions 

Mr Disraeli^s “ education ot his party — by whatever name that 
party mav now prefer to be called — resulted in its consolidation upon a 
basis* sufficiently liberal to leave it not only free, but generally well- 
disposed, to legislate when m office upon the lines ot rational pro- 
gress — peiliaps even, if iiecessaiv, to do sometlnng more — without 
being fully open to the charge of borrowing other men^s policy or 
1 enouncing its* own That measures of practical improvement and 
refoim in the various departments of law and administration, or 
nieasuics which may be needful oi useful for promoting mutual con- 
fldcncc and goodwill between different class*es, should be claimed as 
the monopolv of anv party, or excluded from consideiation upon 
their merits by any Government, or that reasonable trust in, and 
honest sympathy with, the people should be the peculiar possession 
of one party alone , is certainly not lor the public interest, and cannot, 
indeed, be possible, unless political wisdom and patriotism are at a 
very low ebb 

The Liberal party has also been deemed, by some who have led 
or who have aspired to lead it, to require a new education, of which 
the lesult may perhaps be to accelerate the time foretold by Mr 
McCarthy, when the jinnciple of government by party may be put 
upon its trial 

I have alluded in the outset of this paper to wliat is popularly 
known as the Caucus system,^^ intioduced from abroad into this 
country, not long since, under high Liberal auspices It is, I think, 
an important question whether that system, in any of the forms 
which it has assumed or may assume, can be permanently reconciled 
with true Liberality I cannot myself dissociate political Liberality 
from Liberty, or Liberty from honest independence of thought and 
judgment on the pait of constituencies, and also of their represen- 
tatives It 19 not, at all events, the old Liberal idea, which would 
remove the centre of gravity of the constitutional system from 
Parliament to a federation of delegates of political unions , which 
would practically limit the choice of Liberal electors, in every con- 
istitueucy, to persons who had first approved themselves to the 
managers of an inner conclave, holding the local party in leading- 
etrings , which may tend to transform leaders of parties and Mmisters 
of State into dictators, by enabling them, through these outside 



agencies, to ostracise all who, even on subjects vital to the public wel- 
fare, have dared m the House of Commons to speak and vote as they 
think Formerly, a member who so manifested his independence* 
might have had to justify himself to his constituents, and he gene- 
rally would have succeeded in doing so if thev thought him an 
honest man, and if he could give good reasons for the course which 
he had taken Now, if there were among Liberals no power of 
patriotism stronger than the bond of party association, he would 
have to justify himself before some council of three hundred,^^ or 
two hundred, or wlutevci else the number may be , that council 
itself being under the influence — ^perhaps in the leading-strings — of 
a larger federation/^ of which a very few individuals may be 
(probably arc) the wire-pullers and masters 

The system of party government* will be essentially changed in 
charactei, and may soon cease to be tolerable, if it cannot be eman- 
cipated from this slavery That a machinery should exist, by which 
a party, without change of name, and indeed arrogating to itself the 
sole right to the old name, by reason of the subjection of local 
majorities to that machinery, should be liable to have its internal 
character and its practical objects suddenly transfoimcd into some- 
thing essentially diffeient from what they were understood to be 
befoie , that this should be done without any previous preparation by 
the natural and spontaneous growth of opinion within its ranks , is a 
thing which could hardly have been thought possible, if it had not 
happened Yet this is what has actually happened within the short 
space of twelve months Those whose sole policy at this moment 
IS to dissolve the Legislative Union between Great Britain and Ireland 
assume to themselves, on the strength of their command of this- 
machinery, a superior right to the designation of " Liberals , they 
endeavour to convert to the purposes of that new policy the pre- 
viously constructed organization of the Liberal party , and they call 
those dissentients who adhere to the opinion and policy with 
which the Liberal party, generally, had been identified down to the 
winter of 1885 

It IS at least one gain, from an unhappy and extraordinary 
state of things, that men of independent minds have been compelled 
by it to remember that there are duties and obligations paramount 
to those of party association No man, who has acted in honour and 
good faith With any party, can lightly separate himself from it 
But, if it departs from its principles — I should rather say, if those 
who assume to lead it, and who have the control of its organization,, 
depart from its principles — ^that is no reason why he should depart 
from his If he has entered into that association, believing this to 
be the best way of serving his country and of promoting the public 
good, he cannot follow any leader or any party managers (even if 



their influence may be aufEcient to carry ivitli them a majority of 
the nominal party), into new courses, which he believes to be opposed 
to the public good, and dangerous to his country Home Rule for 
Ireland is not the only subiect to which these considerations may 
hereafter apply They are applicable to all measures of primary 
importance, not hitherto understood to be identified with the general 
profession of Liberal politics On all such subiects, the profession 
of Liberal politics cannot justify a man in makiug any political 
leader or wire-puller the keeper of his conscience, or absolve him 
from the duty and necessity (if he is honest) of making up his mind 
for himself, he must act as he thinks, whatever others who pass by 
the same party name may do If he approves such measures, he 
will support them, not because he belongs to a pai ty, but because he 
thinks them right If he disapproves, he is under a moral as well 
as a political obligation to oppose them That duty is one which no 
honest man is at liberty to sacrifice to a party name 





F rom time to time there appear iq our more important periodicals 
papers reflecting very seveiely upon the English government of 
India These proceed, but too often, Irom persons whose names do 
not carry with them that amount of u eight which would make it 
fitting for those 'who have discharged important duties in the Jilast to 
take any notice of them, and they aie left accordingly uurefuted, to 
deceive simple souls 

It is then a matter of some satisfaction to find sucli views, if they 
arc to be enunciated at all, signed by a gentleman who obviously 
writes 111 good faith, and who, in walks of life unconnected with 
India, has won for himself a good position 

Such an one is Mr Samuel Smith, M P for Flintshire, who 
lately gave to the readers of this Rlvifw the benefit of a recent 
inspection which he had made of our Indian Pimpirc I propose in 
the following pages to offer some observa.tiuns upon what he has said, 
or, in other words, in a friendly spirit to criticize the critic 

Mr Smith has divided his observations into two parts, with the 
second of these, which appealed in the July number of the Con- 
temporary, I have but little fault to find Much of what he says m 
it 18 quite true, though >ufhciently trite, and the spirit of the whole 
13 unobjectionable The first paper is, however, a document of a 
different kind, and, if I had had to deal with it alone, I think I should 
have described it as India Mis vtsikd 

Mr Smith begins his remarks by informing us that he visited 
India in 1863, confining his travels to the Bombay Presidency, and 
occupying himself chiefly with the cotton-growing capacity of the 
country He then states that he kept up extensive commercial con- 
nections with it, and that in the month of November, 1885, having 



ever retained an interest m its affairs, he returned to its shores, 
passed from Bombay to Calcutta, and, as he might have added, spent 
nearly a whole day in Madias 

During this last journey he associated equally, we are told, with 
Europeans and natives, seeking especially to understand the views 
taken by the latter 

It may be assumed that a gentleman in Mr Smith’s position 
would see a reasonable number of leading Europeans along his 
line of loute , but that he should have come into contact with a 
sufficient number of natives to enable him to speak with authority 
as to their views, is more doubtful, nor is it probable that what he 
describes as the best literature bearing on the present position ot 
India, would haie much aided him in bis cSoits to grasp the ideas 
of the real native community 

The English public has good reason to be grateful to a man who, 
after spending even a very brief peiiod in a country about which it 
hears little, gnes it the bencht of his observations, provided always 
he docs this m not too dogmatic a way Whether, on the other 
hand, it is worth while to write down the hiuricd conclusions of a 
hurried journey through a eountiy, about whose idmmistration the 
English public hears so much as it docs about that of India, is quite 
another question 

After some remarks with regard to the want of agreement in 
India as to facts and inferences (is there much agreement in England 
or France upon political questions ^), Mr Smith tells us by implica- 
tion that he found it difficult to arrive at any valid conclusions 
When we think of the amount of time that has to be deducted from 
Ins few Indian weeks foi eating, <»lceping and locomotion, tins is 
hardly surprising 

He proceeds to say 

“This difficulty will not bo filt by those who confine themselves to one 
class of opinion, foi many ti'i\el through India with blinkers, only seeing 
what officul optimists wish them to see You m ly icin im entirely ignorant 
of what IS thought by the 250 millions ot people who inhabit the cQuntiy 
"Nothing IS easiei thin to dogmati/c wlien only evidence on one side is heard, 
but when an attempt to judge honestly is made, amid the Babel of contradic- 
tions one hears, the task is enough to daunt the boldest 

“It IS, therefore, with much diffidence that I offer some remaiks on the 
strange phenomena of our Indian hinpne, so unlike anything tin world has 
ever seen that no hibtorical analogies give much aid in comprehending it 

On this I would merely ask — Are all officials m India optimists ? 

Mr Smith would not ha^e had to go very far afidd to find every 
variety of opinion amongst them, from the most roseate optimism 
to the blackest pessimism I could show him very able men who 
have given all their best years to the country, who have prospered 
exceedingly therein, rising to the highest places of the Civil Service, 



whom nothing would induce to commit to it the fortunes of a 
son ” 

Mr Smith goes on to say 

begin by observing thit the gcneril opinion at home is tint India is 
enormously indebted to British lule, that we have converted a land of 
anarchy and misiule into one of pence and contentment , that poverty is 
giving place to plenty, and i low, coriupt civilization to one immensely 
higher It is somewh it of a shock to the optimist to le irn that every one of 
these points IS contested by well educated and intelligent natives, instead ot 
contentment, one finds in man} places great dissatisfaction, and a wide spread 
belief th it India is getting poorer and less happ} ” 

To this I answei that the optimist must, indeed, be very easily 
shocked, if he is shocked, by tm Jiug that these points are con- 
tested by some of those whom Mr Smith describes as well-educated and 
intelligent natives , in othei words, by certain persons who have 
gone through the mill of ^hat is known as our " higher education 

If he had remained longer in the country he would have found 
that, to the great majoiitv of intelligent natives, these “points^' 
are mere commonplaces, which they merely mention as things quite 
taken for granted by all reasonable be mgs before they begin to ask 
their rulers for any of those improvements on which their hearts 
are set I could illustrate this remark by examples till my readers 
flung awav this article m despair, but I will give but one Here 
IS an extract from an address presented to me m 1883 by a body of 
representative natives at Bezwada — 

“ We, the President and Members of the Local Keeeption Committee, m 
the name of the people of Bezwada, desire to give your Excellency a right 
hearty welcome to this flourishing town Perhaps no pHce in India more 
exemplifies the benehts ot British rule than the picturesque spot you are now 
honouring with i visit Before the beneficent scheme for irrigating this 
thirsty land csine into operntion, Bezwada was only a small village md 
partly in ruins, from the people having died in the terrible TMandana*^ famine 
Now It IS a town, and increasing year b} year with sueh rn-pidity as to be a 
source of wonder to all who knew its former eondition Indeed, it seems 
likely to become ngain, as in incient days it is said to have been, the largest 
town in these parts In past times no part of India suffered more than this 
from the honors of famine, ard your Excellency’s father pointed out the 
territory between the Godavari and Kistna as li ible to these visitations in 
their severest form, and put on record a very terrible one It often happened 
that whole villages were depopulated, and myriads of people perished for want 
of the water that flowed in abundance at their feet, and only ]ust below the level 
of tlieir dyingf crops to be swallowed by the greedy ocean As the huge volumes 
of water flowed grandly on, laden with rich, fertilizing yellow silt, gathered by 
the river m its course through the Deccan, the enthusiastic General Cotton 
called it ‘ liquid gold ’ The Anicut, with its ramified system of canals, has 
certainly turned it into solid gold At one stroke the mouths of a hungry 
and dying people have been filled with bread, and the coffers of the Govern- 

* J , the Quntoor famine of the Nandana year, 1832 



ment with money In place of dashing madly on to be lost in the sea, the 
Kistna now spreads fertility and beauty on all sides , and had your Excellency 
come at a later period of the year, the extensive tracts of flat country between 
this and the coast would piesent you with a sight worth seeing No ^ougci 
struggling lor a bare existence, or held m the grasp of Lowcars, the people 
rejoice among their smiling crops, and the money-lenders have become almost 
extinct Even in famine years the Kistna never fails to do its duty, and 
dire poverty that existed during the childhood of middle-aged men is 
forgotten in the general prosperity , and it is meet that we should eiCjpiftBSk 
gratitude to the good Government that has done these great things for us ” 

Now the views enunciated in such a passage as that arc accepted 
by all decently intelligent natives outside the little cliques of wh it 
wc may call professional malcontents , and many even of the latter, 
when they try to impress other ideas upon a traveller who seems to 
have a fine ear, if not a fine face, for a grievance," do so with a 
smile at his gullibilitv 

A rapidly moving traveller like Mr Smith does not see the steady- 
going, sensible people who are scattered over the land, doing its work 
in a very commendable manner, mainly anxious to make their lives 
easier by getting the Government to expend as much as possible m 
usually indisputable, if sometimes financially unattainable, improve- 
ments in their own neighbourhoods 

Mr Smith naturally and inevitably saw chiefly the busy, pushing 
talkers of the big towns, full of the last new cleverisms," just sharp 
enough to repeat the parrot cries of European mischief-makers, and 
to be ingeniously wrong on most subjects 

Our guide next remarks, the first and deepest impression made 
upon me by this second visit to India is a heightened sense of the 
poverty of the country " 

It would be interesting to know how this heightened sense " 
was arrived at Was it from personal observation? If so, was 
Mr Smith comparing the peasantry of the cotton districts of 
Bombay, which he saw twenty years ago when " cotton was king," 
and their pockets, if they had any, full of money, with some other, 
and if so, what peasantry ? 

How much of the peasantry did he see in his recent rapid flight 
by rail and steam-vessel ? 

The results of my own personal observation are entirely different 
I cannot pretend to speak of the whole of India, though I have seen 
immensely more of it than Mr Smith, but my impression is that 
whereas our forefathers were deluded into imagining that India was 
a far richer country than she really was, the tendency is now to fall 
into an opposite and an equally mischievous error 

Mr Smith assures us that the income-tax tables show a marvel- 
lously small area of high incomes 0 1 sanctas stmpltcitas ^ Does 
he suppose that these* tables, even if they included the income from 



land, would give any indication worth having of the true state of 
affairs i 

He then sets forth various calculations about average income, but 
all such arc ^ery misleading Ihe question worth answering is 
Do the Indian masses obtain, one year with another, a larger or 
a smaller amount of matciial well being than the peasantry of 
Western Europe i* 

Speaking of the huge province of Madras, which I, of course, know 
best — and I have visited every district in it — I think they do, though 
I also think that there are infinite improvements to be made in their 
condition, and that these will be made if we carefully stop our cars 
to the delusive doctiines which wc heai preached in some quarters, 
and with which jNIi Smithes iirst paper is sadly infected 

I must guard mysclt against being misunderstood There is in 
many parts of India frightful povertv, but is there not the same, 
and even woise, in our own country ^ The main object of every 
sensible administrator for years to conic m India should be to 
increase m c\ery possible way the phvsical well-being of the people 
It 18 impossible to emphasize my opinion on this subject too strongly 
I lost no opportunity of icpeating it m eiery form when I was 
Governor of Madras , bul this doctrine is the abomination of 
desolation to the pert scribblers in the native press, and the intriguers 
of the Presidency tow ns W hat they want are increased opportunities 
for themselves — Government employment and political changes, 
which may incieasc personal importance It European officials 
want to be popular they must play up to this desire It is the 
cheapest and easiest method of success, and it is cieditablc to our 
European public seivants that comparativclv few walk upon that 
primrose jiath Thev hold, as I do, that although the present 
state of things in India is susceptible of almost indefinite improve- 
ment, we are moving on the right lines, and would do harm, not good, 
to the country if we materially changed our policy 

Mr Smith having communicated to us what he consiacrs the 
economical state of India, proceeds to explain what the ^^natives*^ 
think and desire, and to express brieflj^ the objections taken by those 
'^natives” to our system of government, adding that there is now 
an " educated native tribunal by which our actions are closely 

On this I ask m the same vein as before, of what natives is he 
speaking, and where is the tribunal f The graduates of Madras, far 
the most educated and Anglicized portion of India, are drawn mainly 
from itself, and from two neighbouring States, Mysore and Travancore 
Their numbers are to the population which supplies them as thirty- 
eight to a million ' 

The sort of views with which Mr Smith credits his " natives ” 



are only put forward by a mere fraction of this fraction, and the 
very limited number of persons, chiefly professional writers for the 
press, whom they can influence — a press which, be it observed, has 
the very smallest circulation As well might Mr Smith take the 
voices of the frogs croaking in a backwater for the opinion of all the 
creatures in the neighbouring river, from the smallest fish up to the 

He altogether over-estimates what we have done by our Higher 
Education It has had excellent effects in many ways, and, when 
certain reforms have been made, will be still more useful , but when 
we are told that there are many graduates of Indian Universities who 
are as accomplished as those of Oxford and Cambridge,” the phrase 
IS really too wildly misleading If its meaning is that the best are 
much better than the worst that are produced on the banks of the 
Cam and the Isis, the remark is a truism, but if it means that thoir 
best rank with our best, solvuntur rtsu tabulcc 

With these cautions, which I advisedly reiterate, as to what Mr 
Smith means by the opinion of the natives,” I pass to their objec- 
tions to our rule, as stated by him 

1 They say, we are told, that our administration " is much too 
expensive, and drains the country of its wealth ” I maintain that 
no country on the face of the earth is governed so cheaply m pro- 
jiortion to its size, to its population, and to the difhculties of govern- 
ment One single district in the Madras Presidency, ruled by a 
single collector who receives, at the present rate of exchange, about 
£2000 a year, is a good deal larger than Denmark Another, since 
divided, was, when I reached India, just a few square miles smaller 
than Belgium No man who has been brought face to face with 
the problems of Indian Administration would, I think, deny that if 
he only had the money, he would divide the whole country, as some 
fortunate parts of the North are divided, into areas of about 1500 square 
miles — say, two Surreys That is about enough for one man to 
manage The average Madras district is as big as Devonshire and 
Cornwall rolled into one 

As to our system draining the country of its wealth,” if that be 
the case, how is it visibly increasing in wealth ^ St monumentum 
fjumris ctreumsptee ^ If Munro or Elphinstone were to revisit 
Madras or Bombay, they would not believe they were in India 
The meaning of that phrase drained of its wealth ” is that a good 
deal of money goes to Europe From the money that goes to Europe 
strike off that which goes for the payment of interest on debt, that 
which goes to buy articles absolutely necessary for the development 
of the country, but which can neither be begged, borrowed, nor 
stolen in Asia, and what remains ? Little worth mentioning within 
the province of government except the deferred pay, commonly 



called pensions, of the men who have done for India what no native, 
who knows its history, would pretend could have been done without 
them, and the cost of the India Office, the piece of machmcrv by 
which the government of India is connected with our parliamentary 
system ^ Would !Mr Smith’s friends, whom he considers representa- 
tives of native opinion, like to be without that piece of machinery, 
and to be governed, practically without appeal, by the British autho- 
rities in India ? I fear not 

Nothing IS gained by condemning the costly covenanted Civil 
Seivice, unless you can show that vou can get its work done cheaper 
There aie many excellent natues in our service, and I, for one, am 
dll in favour of putting more of them into our higher posts That, 
however, is a road on which you must walk with the greatest caution, 
it you do not want to introduce evils to which those against which 
vou arc now contending aic but trifling Docs Mr Smith understand 
that, practically, through vast regions of India, the only possible 
question is between the rule of the Englishman and of the Brahmin, 
tlie Aryan of the \\ est and the Aryan of the East ? Dots he think 
that he would do a good turn to the 254 milliojis of natives if he 
were to hand them over to a much greater extent to Brahmin domi- 
nation ^ I have great admiration for the Brahmins, and they always 
must have an enormous influence m India Mi Smith has probably 
no idea what their influence is even now , but fair play is a jewel " 
AV e did not beat down the Peishwa, and the Mussulman dynasty of 
Mysore and the Khalsa, and so many other Powers, merely to abdi- 
cate in favour of a single caste 

2 Mr Smith tells us that his native informants object to the cost 
of our white troops I may reply to him in the words of an Indian 
orator, whom I once heard observe with much emphasis, if with much 
confusion of metaphor, Depend upon it, Mr Speaker, the white 
face of the British soldier is the backbone of your Indian army 

What are those regulations passed in England,'^ of which Mi 
Smith speaks, which are suitable to our home army, but not needed 
in India ? As so8n as he comes to close quarters with this question 
he will find out that it is not true that our internal position in India, 
for I say nothing about the North-West frontier, could be made safe 
without something very like our present arrangements, costly as they 
are Mr Smith would, perhaps, advocate a white local army, though 
he does not say so I would lefer him to Sir Edward ColebrooKes 

Life of Mountstuart Elphinstone for a very sufficient answer to 
that aspiration 

3 He then tells us that European and native alike hold that 
India " IS not fairly treated by the British Exchequer I do not 
agree Circumstances have always forced me to look at the matter 



from the Indian side , but I confess that I am surprised that the 
British taxpayer has not long ago echoed the words of Clive — By 
God * I marvel at my own moderation 

4 We are assured that much soreness is felt at the claim made 
for the cost of part of the Egyptian war, and for the expense of the 
recent expedition to Upper Burmah 

As to the Egyptian war, if the weary Titan had not taken 
India on his shoulders, what to him were Egypt ? — and as to Upper 
Burmah, the same objections would have been made by the <«ame sort 
ot people to the annexation of Lower Burmah, which has poured lacs 
and lacs of rupees into the Indian exchequer I speik as one who 
hated the very idea of the annexation of Upper Burmah, for reasons 
quite unconnected with those put foiwaid by Mr Smithes friends, but 
who has been compelled, by ovci whelming necessity, to acquiesce in a 
policy which circumstances made simply inevitable 

Mr Smith, in discussing the so-called dram on the resources of 
India, and the native agitator’s objections to the national debt, makes 
one remark, which is or will be profoundly true, if the tendencies 
which he faiours have their peifect work 

‘‘ Mittcrs lia\o not come to th it point yet, but it is easy to see, from the 
spieidol inti English literature and the influence ot revolution iry thought 
coming in fiom Europe, that, soonci oi later, such ideas will tikp root in 
India, and it becomes a grave question of policy whether it is wise for the 
Government to keep adding to the Indun debt held abroad 

Looking at this subject recently from the point of view of an 
Indian governor, or half a generation ago, from that of an Under- 
Sccretaiy of State, I was of course only too delighted to see English 
capital lent to India It is the first condition necessary for improv- 
ing a country which is, after all, only half- civilized Looking at it, 
however, trom the point of view of an linglish citizen, I abound in 
Mr Smith’s sense Unless the British Parliament pooh-poohs the 
suggestions which are made by many well-meaning individuals m 
favour of moving m the direction of Indian Home Rule, the many 
million pounds we have lent to India will not be \|prth, in the long- 
run, as many million pence 

In disjoussiug Indian finance, Mr Smith observes that For 
many years past deficits have been the rule rather than the excep- 
tion That IS hardly so , and if it were, there would remain as a 
set-off the gigantic expenditure which we have made out of income 
for the permanent good of India, and the fact that most of our 
recent financial difficulties have been caused by the fall in the 
exchange value of silver, which many high authorities hold to be a 
vast benefit to the Indian agriculturist 

When making the Indian Financial Statement in 1873, 1 was able 
to say 



“II we take the whole senes of Indun accounts fiom the time when 
Mr Wilson first took the finincosin hand — that is, from I860 down to the 
end of the year of the regular cstim ites — we find a surplus of income over 
expenditure during the thirteen }oara of £324,885 

“I showed last year, in some detail, th it we have, out of income, since 
May 1, 1851, expended something like thirty millions m roads, canals, 
harbours, civil buildings, unlit iry buildings, State railways, and other works 
of permanent character, ibsolutely necesairy to India, if she is to rank as a 
civilized country, so that India’s position is that of a landed propiietor who, 
looking back on the man igement of his eatato for thirteen years, finds that he 
has enormously improved those estates out of his ordinary income, and has 
also laid by a few thou«.and pounds in hard cash, a position which cannot be 
described as an unendurable one 

“ Of course the enemies of the Indun Government will immediately say, 

‘ Ob, you are quite forgetting that you h ive ppropriated ind used as ordi 
nary income a number of sums which you call windfalls, but which a 
mercantile concern, it managed icccrding to proper mercantile principles, 
would have treated as capitil, and not have used as income at all ’ 

“To that I reply, ‘ Well, suppose I admit, for the sake of irgument, that 
what } 0 u say is true, is to all these items to which you object, it is indisput 
able that we have chaiffcd igunst income sums to a veiy much gieitcr 
amount than ^he amount of these disputed items, all of which sums a meican- 
tile concern would lia\e ch iiged against cipital ind not agains*^ income ” 

I have not the same means of verifying my figures for the last 
decade which 1 had when the speech from which I have just quoted 
was made, but turning to the Statistical Atlas of India, 188() — a 
book of authority — I find at page 42 a statement of the revenue ind 
expenditure of the Government for each year since 1871, which is 
followed by these remarks 

“ The result of the figui es is thnt the fourteen years gn c surpluses } lelding 'i 
net surplus of 1 1 millions, 20 millions Inving in the jieriod been spent in 
war, 14 millions m the relief of firiime, and 6 millions in discli irge of debt 
or the construction of works proteetne sgainst finnne, and the iggiegate loss 
by exchanp,,e hnving imounted to 30 millions 

“ The years of deficit are tho«e of the Beliar f mime, 1S7 1 , the Madris 
famine of 18i76 and 1877 , and the Afgh in war, '1879 and 1880 It will be 
seen that, but for the litter event, there would have been a surplus m the one 
year of millions, and in the other of 7 millions Ihe laige reduction in 
revenue shown in U82 arose from the remission of 3 millions of taxation in 
that jear—- V17, Customs 1^, salt Ij, cesse'^ but for which the fiOtil 
surplus would have been higher by 9 millions ” 

No one could have been more bitterly opposed than I to all tlie 
Afghan wars, whether waged by Liberals or Conservative^, but they 
were exceptional events, and have little bearing upon what Mr 
Smith desenbes as the native opinion, that British government is 
very costly, in connection with which he makes the assertion which 
I am criticizing 

Mr Smith would hardly dispute that, injudicious and unhappy as 
our Afghan wars have been, the non-existence of our rule in India 
during the last half century would have cost that country ten times 



as much in material prosperity as evei did those masterpieces of 

Shah Su)ah and Shore Ah cost India a pretty penny, as we say 
in Scotland , but invasions like that of Ahmed Shah Dourani would 
have cost her a good deal more 

Nor would Mr Smith, I am sure, wish to overlook the fact that 
the collective deficits of the last five-and-twenty years are as nothing 
compared to the addition we have made out of our ordinary income 
to what I may call the fixed capital of India 

A little lower down Mr Smith mentions that he was startled 
to find that the ‘^natives generally asserted that taxation was 
lighter in native States than in our British distiicts He might have 
saved himself the trouble of being startled at anything the sort 
of natives " he saw told him If they had thought that he would 
wish to be informed that Lord Dufferin while at Simla, and “ out of 
touch witli native opinion, breakfasted every morning upon curried 
babies, the information would have been duly foithcoming 

We then arrive at some quite sensible remarks about India 
becoming a civilized government at a civilized cost In that lies 
the whole financial difficulty Our zealous and public-spirited officers 
arc always trving to provide the country with a civilized European 
administration out of an Asiatic revenue 

Mr Smith then passes on to tell us that the natives look with 
jealousy on the growth of the foreign trade with India as having 
been developed at the expense of their home industries Again 
I ask, what “ natives Surely not the natives who find their 
account in buying those cheaper imports which have displaced their 
dearer home manufactures Analyze the word ‘ natives/' and you 
will peiceive that it means, in this connection, those aitificcrs who 
no longci find a market for their wares, and who grumble accoid- 
ingly — small blame to them — plus the infinitesimal fraction of that 
infinitesimal fraction of the population called by courtesy educated^ 
who were interviewed by Mr Smith The ignorance displayed by 
these people of the plainest ti uths of political economy is absolutely 

Mr Smith would have fulfilled a useful function if he had told 
his auditors tliat amongst the many blessings which England has 
pouied out on India, one of the greatest was the almost absolute 
free trade we have given her Why, m the name of fallacy, should 
the Indian consumer pay more for a thousand articles which he 
wishes to possess m order that those articles may be made in 
India ^ If only what Mr Cobden so well called the ‘'international 
law of the Almighty" is allowed to work, India will produce 
countless articles, manufactured and unmanufactured, which other 
countries cannot produce, while other countries will produce articles 



whicli India cannot produce^ except at a great sacrifice I 
was a vehement supporter of the abolition of the Indian cotton 
duties — not that I cared one brass farthing for the welfare of all 
or any Lancashire cotton-spinner«i, save only in so far as I desire 
the welfare of all mankind , but because I did very specially care, 
as I was in duty bound to do, for the welfare of the Indian 
masses, and for the success of the great experiment which we 
began when we undertook their government 

I am glad to observe that Mr Smith recognizes the steady growth 
of the Bombay cotton mills, and I trust that he will live to see a very 
remarkable increase to those in Madras At present that place is 
overweighted by the expense of fuel, but when the forests have been 
put on a proper footing, and the Singareni coal can be brought to 
and down the Buckingham Canal, we shall soon see a change 
t Mr Smith proceeds to admit that India has absorbed some 
jE 350, 000,000 sterling of silver and gold in the last forty years, 
but makes the very od^j^ remark, that although English writers con* 
sider this a great proof of wealth, it is not so regarded in India 
It may suit A or B not to regard two and two as making four, but 
arithmetic is true nevertheless, and there is the bullion, though 
doubtless one of the greatest boons that could be conferred upon 
India would be to get the vast dormant hoards of gold and silver 
which are buried in the ground or worn on the person brought into 
circulation Can that, however, be hoped for as long as the very 
people whom Mr Smith treats as exponents of native opinion do 
their utmost to excite hostility against the British Government ^ 
True it IS that then efforts can accomplish nothing at present against 
it, nor will they be able to accomplish much in any time that wc 
can look forward to, unless they are aided by well-intentioned per- 
sons like Mr Smith They have, however, a good deal of influence 
in keeping up distrust and alarm I know personally a very con- 
siderable native capitalist who, when the talk of a quarrel between 
Bi ssia and England grew loud, was only prevented by an English 
friend from getting nd of every scrap of rupee paper which he pos- 
sessed , and I know that in a remote district of Southern India, much 
more than 1,000 miles as the crow flies from our north-west frontier, 
the people were busily engaged in burying their valuables in the 
early spring of 1885 

The ordinary native does not and cannot understand our system 
He thinks that a Government w^hich* allows every scribbler, European 
or native, to attack it with the most perfect impunity, must be a weak 

Before parting from the subject of Indian trade, Mr Smith 
next assures us that the natives strongly assert that England forces 
upon them a fiscal policy unsuited for their country, but adapted to 



develop British commerce That many natives think thus is true 
enough^ and I am afraid Mr Smith could readily find a great many 
British officials who talk the same nonsense I must say I have 
shuddered not unfrequently to see what blind guides in matters of 
political economy our sadly mismanaged competitive system has pro- 
vided for India 

Mr Smith proceeds to make the astounding remark, that '' it 
would be as reasonable to impose by main force upon India our 
religion, our laws of marriage and inheritance, our political and^ 
social institutions, as our economical and financial views All this 
means that it is a cruel injury to India to cease taking away from 
the consumer a portion of every imported article which he buys, and 
putting it partly into the coffers of the State, partly into the pockets 
of those producers whom we select for exceptional favour Such 
import duties as we still levy fall, by the way, almost exclusively upon 
the European sojourner 

Mr Smith then goes on to suggest that^mpoit duties should be 
levied, even, if necessary, up to 20 per cent — these duties not to be 
necessarily protective, but to be baet by an equivalent duty upon 
similar articles manufactured in India Having conferred this 
grotesque blessing on the population, we are to abolish the income 
tax, dimmish the land tax — the most venerable of Indian fiscal insti- 
tutions, which IS acquiesced in like a law of Nature — and promote 
drunkenness by doing away with most of the taxes on liquors These 
truly marvellous suggestions lead on to the indisputably correct 
remark “ The only true guide to our policy, in this as in all other 
matters, is to follow the course best for the people of India, without 
regard to the supposed interests or prejudices of the dominant 
country Even so, say I , but then I do not think that the fiscal 
policy of Mr Cobden and of M Bastiat is suitable to one time and 
one country I think it has the universal applicability o^ the multi- 
plication table 

Next follows a paragraph on the income tax, to part of which I 
have replied already , and the old objections with regard to the powers 
of oppression which it puts into the hands of the lower native 
officials are trotted out That these officials are very often corrupt 
nobody doubts , but if Mr Smith had had to learn officially their 
proceedings, he would have found out that their corruption usually 
takes the form of letting off people who ought to pay, not of making 
people pay who should not do so There is no form of taxation 
which you can enforce m India, no form of administration you can 
work, without employing a cloud of inferior native officials Cor- 
ruption, or what Englishmen call corruption, has prevailed in the 
land for thousands of years It is so engrained that it is not con- 
sidered to be corruption* You might as well try to eradicate it, 



except by the gradual operation of changing circumstances and the 
slow pressure of altered opinion, as to stop the north-east monsoon 
in the Bay of Bengal Not one in a hundred, we may be very sure, 
of Mr Smithes interviewers, would have really looked at eorruption in 
the same way as he does The talk about the corruption of lower 
native officials is a mere weapon against the present state of things 
Alter it in the direction in which these people would wish it altered, 
and corruption would reign supreme Tfhe one remedy for corrup- 
tion that could be rapidly enforced would be an enormous increase 
to the highly paid European agency by which the country is 
administered, and this remedy is quite out of the question The 
effect of even such a drastic measure as that would be very 
partial India is already chiefly governed by natives, and always 
has been so under the British Raj Europeans mainly direct, inspect, 
and check 

Then Mr Smith falls foul of the periodical revision of the land 
settlements, telling u|^ as many have told us before, that as this 
time approaches panic fills the mind of the rural population, and that 
much more is taken out of the pockets of the peasantry than ever 
reaches the Government The word panic^ as far as Madras is 
concerned, is an exaggeration , but the peasants are sensible people, 
and naturally do not like a revision In almost every district thev 
are perfectly aware that they have for some time before it comes 
been paying to the State a good aeal less than they ought, and I 
have not the slightest doubt that much money changes hands with a 
view to getting their land undervalued Can Mr Smith rCcvlly 
imagine, however, that the peasant does not find his account in tins ? 
lie had much rather pay five rupees to his native brother who lets 
him off, than fifty to the Government which only asks its ]ust right, 
the amount, namely, which is bj a graceful fiction described as 
half the net produce/^ but which is really only, m South India at 
least, from 20 to 25 per cant of the same 

Mr Smith next turns to the remedies which bis interviewers 
propose for the defects of British administration, and was naively 
surprised to find so general an agreement both as to the evils and 
the remedies Would he be also surprised to find that many of the 
little cl ques with which he came into contact have their strings 
pulled by a few Europeans ^ Would he be surprised to learn that all 
the tricks of bogm agitation have been as well learned in India as in 
the most civiii/ed regions of the West, and that an enthusiastic 
public meeting, consisting of one orator and a reporter, could be 
provided in any tolerably accessible town of even South India at^siiort 
notice ? 

I am glad to observe that he found "the minimuip of race 
antagonism at Madras In truth, spontaneous disloyalty in that 



Presidency is a Tery rare commodity ; no thanks to a handful of 
people, in and out of it, who do their utmost to excite factitious 
disloyalty under highly constitutional forms 

He proceeds to assure us that his friends have no desire to 
overthrow British authority Of course they have not I They 
only propose that England shall have the burden of maintaining 
internal order m India and protecting her from external attacks, 
while virtually the whole government shall he in the hands of the 
Baboo class In other words, England is to be doomed to remain 
to all time a comparatively weak power in every corner of the 
earth except in India, in order that the so-called “educated 
natives ” mav be turned into an anstocracy supported by our 
bayonets l 

A friend of mine who had recently been attending a congress, or 
some such gathering, at Bombay, held under the auspices of these 
people, hnding himself in company, in the Nizam’s dominions, with 
an intelligent Mahommedau, said to him, after sketching the Baboo 
ideal of the Indian future “ Now, how would that state of things 
suit you ^ “ “ Not at all,” was the reply “ When you go, we should 
want a day -with those gentlemen, and I think it need be only one day 

That IS my commentary upon Mr Smith’s obseivation, that his 
friends do not wish to overthrow British authority, but to mould it 
into “ true Indian forms ” Let but authority take a “ tiue Indian 
form,'' and the class which now agitates against us would be whipped 
back to its proper place in a “ true Indian system ” by the stronger 

Two gentlemen, with both of whom I am well acquainted, conversed 
together during the crazy agitation which followed the introduction of 
the very harmless but perfectly unnecessary Ilbert Bill Said the native 
to the European “ Why on earth do you gentlemen stir these ques 
tions I* We don’t ask you so to do If you abdicate, we perfectly 
know what the end of it all will be Suppose you were to go into 
the People’s Park yonder, and have all the cages opened after a 
reasonable amount of time most of the animals would have disap- 
peared, and the tiger would be walking up and down licking his lips 
Now in our country the tiger is the Mahommedau • " 

By the way, Baron de Hubner, in bis admirable book, of which it 
IS difficult to speak too highly, has by a slip, rare in his curiously 
accurate pages, connected this storv with Northern India Its real 
scene was the south , while the scene of an equally striking conversa- 
tion, which he mentions in the same paragraph, was m the north 

It IS the old, old story You cannot act with effect upon dia- 
metrically opposite principles at the same time If all men are 
equal, and it is eternally right that each community should govern 
itself, why in the name of common sense do you stay in India at 



all ? Ifj however, you are to stay there, look &ot8 m the ffuse You 
are there in virtue of youi supenonty, and your proper symbol is 
the sword crossed with the scroll " Policy and force " Do everything 
for the people, and all vou can through the people , but let it be 
understood, once for all, that you are master, and mean to be master, 
or have the courage of your opinions, and make yourselves scarce 

Mr Smith then notices the undoubted fact that our Government 
in India has been hitherto a paternal despotism, and admits that in 
the earlier years of our rule it was impossible to govern except 
through an autocratic and military system, because the land was full 
of evil-doers, of whom he enumerates a variety 

Matters, however, he assures us, have greatly altered of late years 
“ Lducation is coming in with a flood ' ” “A free native Press of 
considerable ability is growing up ” And so forth, and so forth Let 
us “ clear our minds of < ant " What have the very respectable 
spread of education and the growth of the native Piess had to do 
with the diminution of freebooters, Thugs, Dacoits, et hoc genus omne ^ 

These unsatisfactory personages have been put down, in so far as 
they have been put down, by two forces (1) by the strong hand — 
* e , by death, imprisonment, and transportation , (2) by improve- 
ments in the material condition of the people, but to this hour 
there are distncts in which, if the rains do not fall and bnng up 
cereal crops, dacoity springs up in their stead If India is, as 
Ml Smith truly observes, as safe to travel in as any country in the 
world, it IS simply because the strong hand of the Goverment pro- 
tects the law-abiding masses against the powerful minority which is 
devoted to crime Relax the grip of authority, misled by some 
dream about “ education coming in with a flood,” and you will find 
exactly lu proportion to your relaxation thereof, all the old evils 
spiing up again 

Of course no sane man would deny that the gradual pressure of 
our system is effecting changes of a salutary kind , but these forces, 
powerful as they are, do not work miracles, and require generations 
to operate in It is far easier to introduce improvements which 
strike the eye, like railways, than to change the feelings which have 
descended from age to age The criminal classes, at least of South 
India, are, I can assure Mi Smith, quite up to the spint of the 
time, and largely use our well-appointed lines of communication for 
their own purposes Why shoidd the Maravars of Tinnevelly or 
the Kttllars of Madura become peaceable citizens because a per- 
centage of boys in the Madras Presidency can read ** the Swan of 
Avon,” as they love to call him ? 

Next, Mr Smith, happy m the “ coming in of education with a 
flood,” assures us that the mam reform upon which the natives 



always — that is, the little agitating cliques he saw — insist upon is the 
introduction of representative members into the legislative councils, 
and the right of interpellating the Government 

These are elementarv demands if India is to govern itself, but 
if India 18 to govern itself, why are we there ? Our being there is an 
absolute negation of all that Mr Smith means by Liberal prin- 
ciples Liberal principles did not take us thither, and cannot keep 
us on that alien shore 

Oh, but it is said we are there merely to teach the natives self- 
government, and then to depart Good and well I am perfectly 
ready to accept that policy, if such be the will of English statesmen 
and of their masters , but let us then act consistently Let us once 
for all give up lending money to India, and let us every year pay off 
a portion of the Indian debt Are we doing this ^ Arc we not 
every year developing the country out of our own pockets ? Are we 
not every two or three years incurring immense risks, and subjecting 
ourselves to frightful inconvenience, simply on account of India ^ If 
we are doing that merely that we may educate its inhabitants and 
go away, leaving our pupils to their own devices, it is the most 
gigantic exhibition of altruism that was ever seen upon this planet, 
and an exhibition of altruism for which I suppose not one of the 
creatures of God outside our own community gives us credit Of 
two things, one either we mean to stay m India, and make the best 
of the country — directly for its own advantage, indirectly for that of 
ourselves, and of mankind at large , oi we do not If we accept 
the hrst alternative, let us go on upon the old lines of a paternal 
despotism If we do not, let us accept Mr Smithes view , treat 
India as a country which has a right to govern itself, and disengage 
ourselves from our responsibilities there Only let us be quick m 
coming to some decision , for if India is to be handed oven to her 
own keeping, we may as well save the anxieties and expenses in 
which she involves us as soon as possible At any moment she may 
cost us another Crimean war, with its hundred millions 

I know there are some people who say Oh ! whatever you do, 
don^t loose your hold upon India , her trade is tog valuable to you 
1 am quite aware of its value, and have not the slightest desire to 
loose our hold , but we cannot both keep our hold, and not keep 
it If the future of India is to be a Baboo government, made 
possible only by some seventy odd thousandBiitish bayonets and sabres, 
cur trade, however developed, wdl pay us poorly for our risks, for 
which we shall have none of the other sets-off which at present 
come to us, to say nothing of the fact that Baboo government will 
inevitably fall into every economical heresy which is most opposed 
to our present excellent system of trade Even now 1 apprehend 


that our Indian trade is by no means as profitable to Englishmen, id 
proportion to its volume as it used to be 

Mr Smith then goes on to point out that the native gentlemen 
now nominated to the legislative eouncils do not represent so truly 
the feelings of the natives as would elected members Again^ I 
ask, what natives ^ If he means the sort of people with whom 
he conversed, probably they do not The Maharaja of Viziauagram 
would certainly not represent pushing pettifoggeis or journalists at 
all ^ But would he not represent very much better than they the 
great bodj of the intelligent, law-abiding Hindoos of the Madras 
Presidency ^ Count the numbers of those people whom Mr Smith 
delighted to honour Would they not be over represented by the 
tenth part of a representative ^ and is there any legislative council in 
India where they have not at least one spokesman ’ 

Mr Smith then proceeds to say that there evist in all the large 
cities the rudiments of an intelligent electorate They have now, he 
adds, thanks to Lord ttipon, a scheme of municipal go\trnment in 
operation Would he be surprised to learn that at least m South 
India municipal goiernment long preceded Loid llipoii ^ Even, 
however, m South India the system can hardly be said to ha\e done 
more than strike vigorous roots It will require long and careful 
fostering In many places it is considered by those subject to it a 
mere European fad, which they would most willingly do without I 
personally am a friend to local self-government for a vaiicty of 
reasons, but more especially because, when it once takes to growing 
vigorously, it will save our European officers, already too much 
worked for the highest efficiency, a great deal of unnecessary toil , 
but let us not attempt to build upon what arc still \ery unstable 
foundations a house of cards, by giving the municipalities, as Mr 
Smith ^proposes, the duty of electing members to the legislative 

This suggestion, however, bad as it is, is wisdom itself compared 
to the next which he makes, which is, that the university graduate® 
would afford a basis for an intelligent body of electors I have 
said enough about these gentlemen already, and need merely add hcre^ 
that perverse ingenuity could not, I think, devise a worse constituency* 
God forbid that the people of India, foi whom I entertain the 
strongei^t affection and esteem, should be so monstrously misrepre- 
sented as they would be if their interests were entrusted to the 
glib, hungiy advocates who throng round a travelling M P , and 
ply him with the suggestions which they have picked up from 
Western or Westernized sources 

Then, again, we are assured that "it cannot be too well known 
at home that there is a wide divergence between the official and 
native opinion of India, with much of the same sort , and that 



^'the natives” think that it is the European official class which 
keeps them out of those high offices for which, I doubt not, five out 
of SIX of Mr Smithes friends thought themselves just as well suited 
as Sir Alfred Lyall, Sir Auckland Colvin, Mr Melville, Mr Master, 
Mr Forster Webster, oi any covenanted civilian of them all 

Here, again, the statement is vitiated by the absurd application 
of the word " native ” to a mere handful of waiters upon Providence 
The intelligent natives know perfectly well that the opinion of the 
leading English officials is highly favourable to their admission, 
under proper arrangements, even to very high places in the adminis- 
tiation I, who cannot too strongly express my distrust of the sort 
of people whom Mr Smith considers as the exponents of native 
opinion, passed through the House of Commons — with the full 
approval of a Council composed almost entirely of English officials — 
the Act by which they can be so admitted 

Next, we are told that it is a remarkable fact that “ no such 
complaint is made of the British nation ” Now, how can a man 
who has prospered in his business, and must, in order to do this, 
have possessed much shrewdness and common sense, write down 
such — I fail to find a fitting and at the same time courteous 
substantive What do these interviewers of Mr Smith know about 
the British nation ^ ” A very few of them have been able to cross the 
seas without ensuring their own damnation, have been rccei\ed in Eng- 
land as strange and interesting creatures, petted, and made cub lions 
of I remember being told of a man who was, in his own country 
(what shall I say something smaller than the very smallest shentf- 
hiibstitute in Scotland He went to London with a few good 
introductions, and immediately found himself elevated into the 
position of a very great piince When he returned to his presidency 
some one asked him if he had met Sir Bartle Frerc when in Europe, 
whose relations to him a year or two before had been those of an 
elephant to a black beetle No,” he replied , " the circles in which I 
moved were so entiiely above those in which Sir Bartle Frcre moved, 
that we never met ” This anecdote may be true, or only happily 
imagined I know not but it exactly represents what occurs Every 
English-speaking native ” who finds his wav to London is as interest- 
ing to the home-keeping Briton as is a mango lu Fall Mall In 
Bombay or Madras a mango is a mango 

Does Mr Smith really suppose that the examinations through 
which young Englishmen find access to the Indian services change 
their natures ? Does he doubt that the individuals whom he de- 
scribes as '' the natives ” would bate himself, his partners, and his 
clerks as cordially as they hate the European official class in India, 
if only they were brought into the same relations with them ? 

In close connection with this,” we are then told, lies another 



reform urgently demanded by ' the natives ' It is in the constitu*- 
tion of the Indian Council in London Well, I suppose 1 have 
assisted at more meetings of the Indian Council in London than any 
human being who has not been a member or employe of it, with, 
perhaps, three or four exceptions, and, like most sublunary institu- 
tions, I think it IS highly susceptible of improvement, but Mr 
Smithes natives want either to do away with it altogether, and to 
substitute for it a standing committee of Parliament, or to introduce 
into it a native element 

The first suggestion is really too hopeless for discussion How 
could a standing committee of Parliament supervise the enormous 
mass of business that" passes through the India Olhee ? Even if a 
scat in Parliament were held foi life, and the members of such a 
standing committee very highly paid and selected out of the ablest 
men in the two Houses, no mere mortals could satisfactorily dis- 
charge such a trust without giving up the whole of their year to it 
In fact, the proposal amounts to the rc-creatioii of the Board of 
Control on a much larger scale, and the establishment of another 
huge office to supervise the India Office 

The second suggestion has much more in it, but the practical 
difficulties are enormous If we could really get the flower of 
Indian society to come habitually to London, it might be most 
desirable that some fragments of it should be in the Indian Council , 
but does Mr Smith sufficiently understand that for a large portion 
of that society to go to England means practically to go quick into 
hell f that excommunication and social rum are amongst the least of 
the penalties that would attend the occupation of a scat in that 
gloomy chamber in Charles Street ? to say nothing of the fact that 
even if this weie not so, the persons who would make the best 
representatives of India could not forsake their sweetness and their 
good fruit to go to reign over the trees ? 

A time may come when all these difficulties can be got over, but 
Uii present it is an excessively arduous business for an Indian gentle- 
man, even if he is exceptionally favourably situated — that is, if he 
has great wealth, great position, and is not of too high a caste — to go 
to England even for a visit I write as one who has talked the 
matter over again and again with Indian gentlemen Does Mr 
Smith seriously suppose that the chatterboxes of the presidency towns 
would be accepted as proper representatives by those persons in 
India who are the true pillars of our rule ? If he does, I venture to 
say that the man who used to sweep the crossing where Charles 
Street meets St James’s Square, and, for all I know, does so still, 
would be considered quite as fitting a mouthpiece of their wants and 

And now, to my profound satisfaction, I arrive at a suggested 



change as to which I am able to agree with Mr Smith He coa* 
aiders that young men enter the covenanted Civil Service too early 
I am entirely with him, though not, perhaps, for his reasons I 
would dimmish the number of the covenanted Civil Service, raise 
the age of admission to five-and-twenty, and examine, not in school- 
boy lore, but in all those matters which a young administrator should 
know theoretically, much that he ought to know can only be 
learned by practice , but the greatest misfortune of the existing 
civilians 18, that they have never been put through a sufficiently 
wide preliminary training in the things with which they will be con- 
cerned during all their Indian lives 

We shall be obliged henceforward to have more natives in the 
service, and the duties of the covenanted civilians sent from Europe 
will be more and more those of supervision and wise guidance 

If natives of India can really come home and beat on their own 
ground the kind of Englishmen with whom I want to fill the 
covenanted Civil Service, let them , I shall believe it when I see it , 
but be it understood that I think we ought to pay our covenanted 
civilians of the future — much less numerous than they are now — 
sufficiently high salaries to enable us to get oui pick of the very 
ablest young Englishmen who have not sufficient capital to play 
the long game for success at home Double your existing induce- 
ments, treble them if necessary, but get for your Indian Civil 
Seivice the veiy best men whom money can buy 

Mr Smithes ideas would appear to be a little hazy as to the dif- 
ference between the members of the uncovenanted service and the 
statutory civilians There is nothing to prevent these last rising to 
any of the high posts The plan of selecting them devised by Lord 
LyttonN Government has not been a success, at least m Southern 
India, and various plans have been tried for improving on it Per- 
sonally, I now incline to allowing the various Governments to select 
statutory civilians out of the most deserving men in the uncovenanted 
service To op^n competition in India I am utterly opposed , but 
I tried when at Madras an open competition for ^the purpose of 
arriving at a class-list composed of men certified to be of high 
intellectual attainments, out of which the Government selected the 
man who seemed on the whole most likely to be useful, having 
regard not only to his intelligence, but to hia position, character, and 

I am at one with Mr Smith in thinking that any change which 
tends to bring into the service, and keep there, men of riper years, 
would be an advantage I cannot see why the new and higher order 
of covenanted civilians, which I wish to create, should not stay in 
India till sixty I would not give them any pensions, but would 
guarantee them against loss by exchange, pay them, as 1 have 



already said, if necessary, much more liberally, and oblige them to 
insure heavily m some approved English office or offices The less 
we hear of pensions eo nomine in the days that are coming, the 

Again I am able entirely to subscribe to Mr Smithes views, that 
the natives of India are apt to make good judges I would employ 
them very largely iii the judicial department It is the geneial 
administration of the country that we must keep in our own hands 

Then, again, Mr Smith hits a blot m our system when he com- 
plains of the very changing character of our administration Fur- 
loughs are very good and absolutely necessary , so is Icaic on medical 
certificate and on really urgent private affairs The three months 
privilege leave so freely given is a perfect curse to all concerned, 
and that Secretary of State who should abolish it would do an 
immense service, not only to India, but to the very people who would 
most loudly clamour against the withdrawal of this costly, absurd, 
and mischie\ous privilege 

Mr Smith then passes on to repeat the usual talk of the dis 
affected cliques in the presidency towns about the annual migration of 
the Supreme Government to Simla, and of the other Govcnimcfits to 
their respective lull stations His article would not have been 
complete without this , but surely common sense long ago settled the 
question You want to keep your best men as long as vou can The 
European constitution is not calculated to withstand for a senes of 
years the influences of the plains of India Now and then you get 
a person who much piefcrs them to the hills — I did, for example , 
but that IS a mere eccentricity nine Biitons out of ten work much 
better at Ootacamund, or Simla, or Mahableshwar, than they can at 
Madras jor Calcutta, or Bombay The ciy against the migrations 
of the Government to the lulls is purely presidential It is the cry 
of the craftsmen of Ephesus combined with the cry of the fox which 
had lost its tail — avarice reinforced by envy 

Mr Smith tells us that the whole tendency of life in the hills is 
to isolate the governors from the governed There is not the vestige 
of truth in such a statement Are the hills not in India and inhabited, 
like the plains, by the subjects of the various Governments ? I 
grant most freely that it would be very much better, were it only 
possible, that the Y iceroy and the governors should be perpetually on 
the move — now a few months m this district, now a few months in 
that , but 18 it possible ^ That system would have done excellently 
well in the good old, pleasant days when justice was administered 
under a spreading tree , when the petitioner saw this or that great 
man, and heard the voice of doom from those august lips Now, 
however, all that is wildly impossible Everything has to be done 
in writing Evei^ Act almost that affects the meanest individual 



IS liable to endless appeals, and the administration of India has 
become as complicated, elaborate, and scientific as any in the world 
The choice is not between a camp Government and a Government 
from some one place , but between Government from two places or 
from one place only Whether, I should like to know, is a Govern- 
ment which spends six months of each year m two different parts of 
its territory, amongst totally different conditions, or a Government 
which never stirs from one spot, likely to keep most “ touch ” with 
the people Are there not some most important districts, and these 
not the least anxious, which are nearer to Simla and Ootacamund 
respectively, than they arc to Calcutta and Madras 

Given the exigencies of our present appallingly but inevitably 
regulated system of government, where everything is subject to the 
control of rule and precedent, I am persuaded that the wisest course 
IS that the Government should abide in its summer and winter capitals, 
but that the heads of the administration, civil and military, should 
\isit every corner of the territories under their charge I have for 
years entertained that view, and acted up to it when I was m India, 
ds did both the Commanders in-Chief with whom I was associated 
— Sir Frederick Roberts and the deeply lamented Sir Herbert 

In connection with the subject Mr Smith makes a variety of 
remarks which are mere echoes of the usual babble of the less re- 
spectable portion of the presidential press at Calcutta and Madras, 
for at Bombay there is, I believe, much less of tins form of folly 
At length, however, he makes the following assertion, of which, so 
astounding is it, he must, I think, be the patentee — 

‘ It also leads to the great multiplication of written reports Government 
being removed fiorn contact with the district officers, a voluminous corre 
spondencehas to be kept, ind matters often occupy months ot discussion which 
might bo settled m a few minutes viod vote 

If this was not developed out of Mr Smith’s inner consciousness, 
I wonder who can have dared to hoax so virtuous a man 

It is absolutely false that the annual migration from the winter 
and spring to the summer capital leads to one single letter ever 
being written by one single district officer which would not have been 
written if no such migration took place A more wholly unfounded 
statement was never made to or retailed by a bond fide traveller 
It really looks as if Mr Smith believed that India was not a con- 
tinent, but a country Does he imagine that a collectoi can run up 
lu a morning to Madras or Calcutta, settle his business m half an 
tour, and go back by the evening train ? 

Of course, the fact that all important business m India has now 
for many years been transacted in writing, strengthens the argument, 
if it wanted any strengthening, in favour of the hill stations, since 



writing can be done anywhere, and best by Europeans in a cool 
climate The truth i% however, that the argument wants no strength- 
ening My only fear is, that if the subject were once taken up 
seriously, some of the Governments — and notably that of Madras — 
would be confined to the hills by the express orders of the Secretary 
of State in Council I should myself think this a great mistake m 
policy I believe in the old Asiatic fashion of a summer and winter 
capital No sensible man would have chosen Madras as the capital 
of the Madras Presidency, but the accidents of history must go for 
something, and to create a new capital suited to modern exigencies, 
for almost any province m India, would now involve so vast an expense 
as to make it very unwise to do so If the thing had to be done de 
novo^ perhaps Madanapalle would, be the most convenient site for the 
capital of Southern India , but a ruler would need to be as mad as 
Mahommed Toghluk Shah to drag thither at this time of day the 
ofl&cial population of Madras and Ootacamund Certain I am, how- 
ever, that if the question between these two places so often raised 
from motives of envy, hatred, malice, and all unchantableness is 
ever seriously entertained, the victory will not remain with the 
congeries of villages on the Coromandel Coast, which I individually 
much prefer as a residence to the Blue Mountains 

Five-and-twenty years ago there was much to be said for aban- 
doning Calcutta and creating a new capital for India 1 myself 
brought the subject before the House of Commons in 1863, and pro- 
posed Poona for that purpose It was probably merely Sir John 
Lawrence^s declaration in favour of Simla that saved Calcutta, and 
the revival of the controversy could only end in displacing the Queen 
of the Hooghly from her accidentally proud position A more absurd 
site for the capital of India could not readily be found , but again I 
say, the accidents of history go for something 

Mr Smithes next remark, however, is perfectly true, bating always 
the last word in it, for it is no part of the duty of district officeis 
to write despatches 

“ 1 heard on all hands of the enormous increase of report- writing in India, 
and of the pernicious effect it had on the usefulness of the district officers , 
men who should be moving about iraong the natives, seeing with their own 
eyes, and hearing with their own ears, were tied to their desks all day, filling 
up reams of paper with lengthened despatches ” 

What IS, however, the remedy for this ^ There is no remedy, 
unless we are to revert to a state of things under which the individual 
would have far more personal power I myself think this would be 
an excellent thing, but it is hopelessly out of the question It 
im[flies — (1) that the House of Commons should cease to insist on 
having information about India , (2) that the India Office should 
say to the Viceroy in Council Settle your own affairs Don't 
bother us, unless when it is a question of great matters of policy 



(3) that the Viceroy in Council should treat the governors and lieu- 
tenant-governors precisely in the same way That would be decen- 
tralization with a vengeance , but is not the whole spirit of the times 
against it ^ If Mr Smith can devise any plan for diminishing the 
endless writing of India, he would, I am sure, have an enthusiastic 
ally in every viceroy, governor, lieutenant-governor, and chief 
commissioner from the borders of Tibet to Cape Comorin His 
first step, however, must be to prevail upon Parliament to cease to 
take any interest whatever in Indian affairs, except at distant 
intervals Is it probable that he will succeed in that preliminary 
enterprise ? 

It is gratifying to me to be able to subscribe to the spirit, though 
not to the letter, of Mr Smith's last words, which run as follows — 

“ The personal touch of a strong man counts for fa'* more among Asiatics 
than with us , and, what with the hill stations and endless despatch writing, 
the European chiefs are becoming invisible to the natives, and losing that 
magical power of personal influence which distinguished our early adminis- 
trators, and helped not a little to create the empire ** 

No despatches are ever written in India except by the three 
Governments which correspond with the Secretary of State, those ot 
India, Madras, and Bombay , and the hill stations have about as much 
to do with the writing of despatches, reports, letters, returns, or any- 
thing else, as they have with the tides or the comets 

Noi IS it true that the European chiefs are becoming invisible to 
the natives I myself came in contact with more natives in their 
own respective neigbourhoods than did any previous Governor of 
Madras, and I dare say many of those who were at the head of 
various administrations when I was in India could say the same 
Personal influence, and the actual contact of the governors and the 
governed, is a matter of vast importance in India , and I should like 
to facilitate it in every way , but you cannot go back upon the past 
You cannot substitute a Government which is not one of record for 
one which is — a Government which is not one of precedent and 
rule for a Government whose every limb is swathed in laws, and 
codes, and regulations There is but one palliative which you could 
employ greatly increase the number of your high-class European 
officials, the men whose business is the inspection and guidance of 
others, rather than executive work 

What, however, would Mr Smith’s friends say to this ’ The last 
thing they want is wise guidance from Europe They want comfort- 
able live^hoods out of a Government in which Englishmen shall 
have less and less part, but which shall be maintained by English 
soldiers to the great inconvenience of England, for thetr benefit That 
IS the alpha and omega of their demand 

M E Grant Dufp 




I T w&s a dictum of Auguste Comte that a State should he go\erned 
by lueu of science No falser theory of government ever 
entered into a ivisc man’s head 

There are two castes whose action is fatal in public affairs — the 
religions and the scientific Equally sacred^ they must be equally 
excluded from all participation in politics Incapable, both of them, 
of regarding law under any but a dangerously abstract conception, 
they must always be urging society towards one extreme or the 
other — a superhuman ide&lism or an exaggerated materialism The 
modern State cannot and must not impose on its subjects either a 
State religion or a State science Sotb tend to the same absolutism, 
the same intolerable oppression of reason or of conscience 

1 would have these two castes recognised and maintained on a 
precisely similar footing — the one in its laboratories, fhe other in its 
places of worship I would have them encouraged to test each 
other’s conclusions, and to rival each other’s efforts And I would 
honour them both for the moral and material benefits they confer , 
for both exist for the good of society — the one to diminish the sum 
of human misery, and the other that of human wickedness 

The equilibrium of a society depends on the equal proportion of 
the scientific and the religious element m it When the priests tip 
over the balance on their side, society suffers in its material needs, 
and is impoverished , when science gets ahead of religion, society 
grows rich, gives itself up to luxury, and soon becomes corrupt 
The men of science sacrifice everything to the play of forces, 
the acceleration of movement Beason and logic arc the only 
compass they steer by, and their ideal for the individual is the 
forcing of the faculties and the achievement of success But in all 



this, goodness (which is instinctive religion), heroism, self-devotion, 
the love of one's neighbour, go for nothing They are useless 
factors Woe to those who cross the line when, once the engines $tre 
in motion , all that can be done for them is to warn them off by a 
shnll signal, or a signpost which they must have learnt to read 

There is a spiiitualization of the social as of the individual life — 
a religion which urges to self sacrifice, to self forgetfulness This 
religion is the love of country But the national soul is no more 
capable of demonstration than the individual soul , and the mechanism 
of a society founded on experimental science can take no account of an 
idea) And yet, where shall we look for the greatness of a nation, if 
not in its patriotism, or where for the greatness of the indi\idual, if 
not in what M Paul Bert would call his altruism ? 

When the materialists — or, rather, the men of science, as they 
prefer to call themselves — attempt to exclude the religious or spiritual 
idea, they are but acting as the Church acted when it tried to 
quench science and keep the world from going round A Pope 
denied the movement of the earth M Paul Bert denied the 'divine 
m man Those who feel the stirrings of a soul within them may 
answer in their turn, E pur si muove " You cannot rob man of 
his spiritual nature The relations of pity, of charity, of devotion, 
of self-surrender — the native and noble aspiration which leads to 
these relations — cannot be codified in any experimental method , " 
they dogmatize themselves in a religion 

A finer adjustment of interests, a better regulation of needs, a 
completer acquisition of positive knowledge, the conscientious observa- 
tion of facts and their improved classification by the light of the 
expenmental method, together with an ever-advancing material 
progress — what will it all avail to do away with the inequalities of 
condition, of capacity, and of powers? So long as inequalities of 
natural capacity exist, so long §8 education, far from levelling them, 
tends rather to enhance them, the amount of suffering remains the 
same, and secular society affords no remedy for it How are you 
to appease the envy ot the inferior mind by explaining that another’s 
better fortune is due to his higher intelligence ? With what instru- 
ment do you expect him to determine the truth of what you say ? 
He has not the faculty To him it is nothing but accident, the 
partiality or caprice of Fortune — that is to say, an abuse which 
ought to be done away with 

But the soul IS the souPs equal It knows no standards 
of measurement, no differences of condition It may be pooi^ in the 
greatest, and great in the humblest Give the poor man spiritual 
wealth, and you have brought him the supreme consolation which 
poverty cannot invade, nor ignorance impair, nor incapacity defeat 

You must hare moral as well ad material good A Government 




whicli aims only at the one and forbids the other, is a bad Govern- 
ment The science which forces itself, absolute and unintelligible, 
on the Ignorant, is not one whit better than the obscurantism which 
tries to force itself on the enlightened When science claims to be 
all-suflScicnt, she makes an empty pretension She is but one fold 
of the veil of Isis — the fold that sweeps the ground 

It IS the business of the man of science to observe the conditions 
of matter It is the business of the priest and the moralist to 
observe the conditions of spirit Each of them seeks to utilize a 
given force for the material or moral benefit of man If the 
scientidc man has sometimes to remind* the priest of the conditions 
of physical existence, the priest in his turn has to remind the 
scientific man of the conditions of moral life 

These are some of the reflections which occurred to me one day 
in thinking of Paul Bert, scientist and statesman, and especially of 
his experiments in vivisection 

It occurred to me, moreover, that the cycle of human action must 
be a curiously small one, since this atheist, tins implacable enemy of 
all religions, is found reviving, so to speak, the practices of the 
Inquisition P lul Bert tortured the lower animals with the so-called 
higher aim of benefiting humanity, just as the inquisitors tortured 
the human being with the so-called higher aim of saving the soul , 
and science absolves the new inquisitor, as the Church absolved the 
old And in the same way, as if in every epoch the appetite foi 
cruelty were destined to find its development, we find some among 
our scientific inquisitors, like some among the inquisitors of religion, 
taking pleasure in witnessing the thrill of agony , and we sec the 
brute instinct of crime, hardly lulled to sleep in the human breast 
by the ^ religious and moral education of centuries, coming to life 
again under the oegis of the infallibility of science 



^ It was at Auxerre that I first made up my mind against Paul Bert, 
and first perceived how baneful was his influence on my political 

Spuller, Laurent-Pichat, Schcilrer-Kestner, Adam, and I went 
down with Gambctta, who was to make his great speech at Auxerre 
We were all to stay with Lepere, who was delighted to have us, and 
had been pulling down partitions and enlarging his little house in 
order to fill it with friends 

After a journey which we had all been doing our best to enliven 
with our wit, we stopped at the town of Auxerre I forget whether 
Lepere had gone down with us or met us at the station 

But there was Paul Bert, with his erect figure, his imperious air^ 
the haughty lip and nostnl, and that intentional perpetual smile in the 



eyes which I never liked He took Gambetta aside at once, and 
drew him atvay to a considerable distance from the rest of us on the 
platform We could see that what passed between them was animated 
enough, and Gambetta was visibly embarrassed, and seemed to be 
defending himself Whether anything had been agreed between them 
beforehand I do not know, but I think not, as I remember Gam- 
betta^s air of vexation But the end of it was, that Paul Bert came 
back along the platform with the friend we had brought down, and pro- 
ceeded to chisel us out of him, calling out to us in his trenchant tone 
You know Fm going to have him 
Gambetta passed his arm through Lepcie^s, and drew him off a 
little Leperc told us a few moments later what he said to him 

My dear Leperc, you know Paul Bert He says he won't be at 
the banquet at all unless I go and stay with him lie even threatens 
to prevent his friends from coming I must divide my favours a 
little, so as not to injure Paul Bert's position, which has been attacked, 
and which it is the interest of all of us to defend " 

Leptre made no answer, but we could sec the tears in his eyes, and 
a look of disgust, of which Paul Bert felt the consequences a little 
later at the elections 

We were all of us hurt by Paul Bert's unreasonableness m thus 
depriving us of the friend we had come down with, and for whose 
sake we had come down , it turned us all against him, and made us 
feel what an absorbing personality it must be which could so influence 
the mind of Gambetta, who was sacrificing us all without scruple to 
a mere wish of his dear Professor," as he once called him m my 

I am going to talk science to him," said Paul Bert to me with 
an air of triumph, his eyes smiling their full smile 

Science in politics is politics m science," 1 said , and a very bad 
thing too, warping the mind twice over " 

Spuller, trying to console us, said in his cordial tones 
Science* science* I would give it all to see God one moment 
face to face * " 

Spuller is really a religious man, and I have more than once heard 
him maintain that we ought to encourage a national clericd spirit 
m France 

We avenged ourselves the next day by mercilessly chaffing 
Gambetta about Paul Bert's discoveries The rat's trunk gave us a 
hook to hang plenty of wit on I developed the scientific theory of 
animal grafting applied to a new industry — that of politics 

" What a capital experiment it would make," I said, to graft 
the motor nerves of M de Cassagnac on the sensory nerves of 
M Schoelcher, and the sensory nerves of M Bnsson on the motor 
nerves of M Clemeoceau * " , 

n 2 



Gambetta laughed heaitily, called me very malicious, and begged 
me to soothe Lepere, who was still out of humour, and even more 
grieved than offended 

No/^ I said , ‘‘ I take his part against Paul Bert I am 
thoroughly up in the controversy, and I have chosen my side Paul 
Bert is as untrustworthy as his own experiments " 

It was to Paul Bert that Gambetta owed all the formulae of his 
scientific politics Allying himself more and more closely with him 
as time ^ent on, he soon consulted no one but his Professor onfall 
questions of education, and of the anti-clerical movement He 
siippoited, and admired, and developed, with his own marvellous 
faculty of assimilation, all Paul Berths projects with regard to public 
instruction He took the same view of educational reform 

It was Paul Bert who let us in for education to the uttermost, 
without moral preparation, without any process of successive experi- 
ments at acclimatizing such a multitude of foreign germs 

Hd\ing made up his mind that men had better enjoy the benefits 
of education, he determined that they should enjoy them all at the 
► same time, and all without delay lie expected of a single gene- 
ration an amount of comprehending and assimilating power whicti it 
would take several generations to produce , and on that one generation 
he accordingly imposed an amount of taxation which three or four 
would have found it difficult to meet 

He would have no instruction but what was given by his mean% 
and according to his programme , he was for breaking every mould 
that did not bear his individual stamp Hence his hatred for the 
religious educational establishments The only religious commu- 
nitici he really cared to destroy were the educating communities 
If Paul Bert had been content to remain a man of science, and 
nothing else — if he had not wanted to pose as a statesman among 
men of science, and a scientist among statesmen, he might have left 
a great memory , all the greater if the processes of his intellect, 
grafted on that of Gambetta, had not diverted the faculties of the 
latter from their true development, transformed a living power into 
a mechanical force, and changed the man of impulse, the poet, the 
orator, the genius, into a strategist, an idolater of facts, a calculatoi 
of results 


Paul Bert was the real inspircr of Article 7 of the decrees 
of the 29th of March, the originator of an anti clerical policy 
which has all along been wanting m just that element m which his 
scientific experiments have been wanting too — success, for you 
c'lnuot reckon among the assured acquisitions of science, diseoveriea 
which are neither incontestable nor uncontested 



The scientific reputation of Paul Bert rests maioly on three 
things The first of these was a series of operations in animal 
grafting — a reproduction of the experiment so often practised by the 
Zouaves in Africa, of cutting off the tip of a rat^s tail and grafting it 
on to its own foiehead Paul Beit utilized the experiment as a fresh 
demonstration of the property possessed by the sensory nerves of 
transmitting an excitation m both directions^ towards the centre and 
towards the ciicumfeicilce 

A more serious inquiry w?s that into the action of high 
atmospheric pressures on the animal organism His numerous and 
varied experiments in this field, extending oi er several years, form 
the staple of his contributions to modern science They arc set forth 
m several big volumes, eniA the Acadtnite ties Sciences rewarded them 
with one of its best piizcs The most striking thing in these experi- 
ments was the apparently paradoxical conclusion Paul Bert deduced 
from them — jiarticularly with regard to oxygen, which, when 
employed in large doses, he found to be a dangerous pgison But 
more recent experiments, made in M Paul Berths own laboratoiy* 
and with his own apparatus, together with a careful examination of 
his memoirs, ha\e enabled M de Cyon to prove that the experi- 
ments ot M Paul Bert were very carelessly conducted, and that the 
means he employed did not even admit of the introduction of large 
quantities ot oxygen into the blood , and finally, that the effects 
observed by M Paul Bert on his animals were due, not to the sup- 
posed accumulation of oxygen, but partly to carbonic acid poisoning, 
and partly to the mechanical action of sudden changes of barometric 
pressure The tragic death of the two aeronauts, Croce Spinelli 
and Sylva, who, trusting to M Paul Berths researches, ventured to 
attempt the highei altitudes jirovided with balloons of pure oxygen, 
shows that tht mechanical action of sudden modilications of 
atmospheric pressure on the body is dangerous in itself, quite apart 
from any changes in the gases of the blood 

There remains, thtrefore, of this, the chief work of Paul Bert, 
nothing but the remerabranre of grave errors of observation, and the 
most unpardonable hardihood in putting forward pure hypotheses as 
ascertained scientific truth 

^ What then is left standing of the scientific structure erected by 
Paul Bert ? His proposal for utilizing, as an anaesthetic for patients 
under surgical operations, a mixture of protoxide of nitrogen with 
air at a high pressure Whether this mixture does or does not 
possess the qualities attributed to it by M Paul Bert we cannot 
undertake to say , but as its use would require that the operation 
should be performed in a special chamber under a very high 
atmospheric pressure, the suggestion is clearly without any practical 



The fact is, tliat Paul Bert succeeded m passing himself oflf as a 
statesman on some men of science, and as a man of science on some 
statesmen He knew how to hnd his advantage in maintaining this- 
double character 

To the policy of our party Paul Bert was simply fatal My 
opinion on this point has ne^er varied , I have asserted it again and 
again, and even to Paul Bert himself, telling him that 1 was his 
adversary and his cnemy^ in spite of my esteem for him as a writer 
and speaker, and the regard I had for his latent scientific value 
The men of science may say what they please , the character of 
our race, taken as a whole, is not materialistic Our great historical 
developments, our great national actions, bear the stamp, not of self- 
interest, but of idealism and of chivalry To attempt to turn Prance 
into a country ruled and regulated by a sort of scientific absolutism, 
where every manifestation of public feeling shall be logically calcu- 
lated, and shall have for its immediate object a result which can bo 
discounted beforehand, and for its final end the luerc increase of our 
^wealth and power, is to take from us all that makes our greatness in 
the world^s history — our independence, our spontaneity, our generosity. 

Gambctta, who knew how to interpret so grandly the noble senti- 
ments and large aspirations of the French people, perverted hiS^ 
genius and frustrated his own career when he allowed himself to be 
led by the positive science of Paul Bert, with his pet formula, a 
policy of results 

Results ^ What results ^ Tonquin, with its tram of political 
dissensions and a deficit Tonquin, which has killed Paul Bert 

Gimbetta was greatly amused at my hostility to Paul Bert, he^ 
told me it was very feminine and \cry illogical , and on the raie 
occasions when we met, towards the close of his life, in the days when 
those who surrounded him had already come to calling him " the 
Dictator, he never failed to speak of Paul Bert, and burst into admir- 
ing ejaculations about everything he did 

I saw Gambetta at Saint Cloud the Sunday after the mishap at 
Charonne lie had just been taking the chair at the ChAteau d'Eau, 
at an anti-clerical meeting of Paul Berths 

He came in a little late to dinner Some dozen of us were 
already assembled on a flight of steps at the bottom of the garden 
when he appeared He spied me at once, across the green lawn and 
a vase of tall fuchsias, and called out ill his sonorous voice 

Admirable ’ superb * extraordinary ^ Never since Voltaire has- 
suqh an irrefutable indictment been brought against the clergy ^ 
And what a style 1 What consummate art I 

And what bad policy * said a great banker who was with us, m 
a low voice, to me 

Gambetta went on as he approached us 



And such an immense success — beyoftd anything that could he 
imagined I Ten thousand enthusiastic cheers 

“ The ten thousand and hrst would not have come from mt/^ I 
said as we greeted one another 

You yourself/^ cried Gamhetta, ^^vou yourself, I tell you, would 
have been carried away, if not by the ideas, b;^ the genius lavished 
in propounding them " 

^At dinner the conversation turned on Charonne 

You remember Auxerre,” I said , you who have the most pro- 
digious memory in the world ^ 

‘^Yes Why^?** 

Because you have been trying to cut off the tail of our party, 
and graft it on again by the Paul Bert process But the tail declines 
to be^ut 

The Charonne people, answered G ambetta, " arc no better than 
so many ship-rats on their way to New Caledonia ’’ 

As a colleague of (jambetta^s in his great ministry, Paul Bert 
soon showed that he did not know what he wanted lie brought 
forward project after project, experiment after experiment, and 
succeeded in none of them, and then was furious at finding no 
immediate solution He shut himself up, and never emerged but m 
a passion Exacting, imperious, autocratic as he was, he found 
time, in sixty days of power, to unsettle everything, to turn every- 
thing upside down, to provoke opposition to his projects on all 
hands, and to produce nothing but embarrassment in the public 
services and consternation among his friends With his mama for 
experiment, and with all his scientific merits turned to political defects, 
what could he be in politics but a disturbing force ^ 

Heartily approving the Tonquin expedition at its outset, he gra- 
dually separated himself from his friends because they would not 
carry out his theories of colonization , for this determined centralist, 
this rampant supporter of governmental omnipotence, went in for 
local government in the colonics Having no personal opinions, 
nothing but his habits of observation, the actual demonstration of facts 
had had great weight with him He had travelled in Algena He 
had lived among the Arabs He therefore accepted colonial auto- 
nomy He wrote an mteiesting pamphlet on the subject, and sent it 
to me with the superscription To my enemy, Mme Adam , and as 
it was really a striking pamphlet, and afforded an opportunity for 
favourable criticism, I wrote and gave him his due 

Paul Bert had long been worrying the Chamber to send out a 
civil governor to Tonquin When it was decided that the^ thing 
should be done he found himself very naturally designated for the 
post, and he consented to fill it 

The Figaro published an account of a conversation which took 



place before he left between him and a member of its editorial 
staff The conversation is curious, and shows him to have been m 
earnest in a talk he had with me, which I will give further on 

“ I hwe no illusions,” he said, as to the difficulties of the mission 
entrusted to me, but I could not refuse it My position in fact was a delicate 
one It \\ IS 1 who had advised Gambetta to annex Tonquin , 1 considered it 
a necessary dependency Since then 1 have been always combating the policy 
adopted there , 1 deplored the mistakes committed by leadei after leader , 
and both in the Ch imbtr and in the Press I was alwa} a urging the appoint- 
ment of a civil governor Now they come to me and ask me to be that civil 
governor, to tiy the system I have been advocating, to take the responsibility 
of carrying out my own colonial theories Well, I have accepted it, and lam 
off 1 start to-morrow with all my family 

“ Besides, I confess that 1 do expect to render some real service to my 
country I have long been a student of this great question of colonial* polic}, 
which everybody is now so full of 1 h ive spent part of my life amtng the 
Arabs , 1 ha\c investigated their character and customs, I have noted the 
defects of our a}atem of conquest Since my return to France, not a single 
book on tlie East has appeared that I have not thoroughly mastered, and, as it 
were, dissected And if, is I admit, the Arinamito is a new subject with 
which I have never yet li id to deal, at least I fancy 1 shall understand the 
Ann unite a good deal better th in people who have never seen him 

“ And so, notwithstanding my age and my f uiuly, md the duly drudgerj 
of my political and scientific work, llii\e consented to go into this distant 

‘ And then, believe me,” ho concluded, as we parted, “ people have an 
ibsurdly exiggerated idea about dilhcultus and diseases You nny be very 
sure Tonquin is not at ill what we imagine it ’ 

On the thiiticth of last January I was sitting at my writing-table, 
when, without knock or announcement of .any soit, Paul Beit walked 
in With that assurance, that audacity — that really courageous 
audacity — of his, he had forced his way in, paying no attention to 
my servant's remonstrances 

“ \Miat are you here foi 9 I gaid, using in anger, "and with 
no sort of announcement 

" You would not have received me ” 

" I certainly should not But why did you wish it ? " 

" Well,” he said, " I, Paul Bert, freethinker as I am, I have a 
touch of superstition about you I want you to give me your good 
wishes for my voyage ” 

" No, not I On the contrary, 1 promise you a storm, which my 
gods, if they hear me, shall stir up for you as you pass the shores of 
Greece ” 

" You will allow me at least to plead my cause ” 

I let him sit down, and I listened 

Instead of defending himself, he began by attacking others, 
which he knew very well would come to the same thing, knowing, 
as he did, my gnevatoces against my old friends, who were also his 
However, he made one exception, which I hasten to take note of. 



" But I admire Gambetta all the same/^ he said I have kept 
my affection for him intact 

You owe him that much for the fharm you did him by your 

He went on without answering — 

" I would have his memory yet more glorious than it is, and I 
shall do everything in my power to make it so, I shall contribute 
all I can to it But what are his friends doing ^ They are defacing^ 
his monument, crumbling it, destroying it How they have all 
rushed off in a body to swell the cortege of Ferry, who is no better 
than a caricature of him * " 

Perry is the most to blarae,^^ I said 
" Yes — a thousand times yes There we are quite agreed ” 

“ Agreed now," I said , but you, too, did not you join the 
corUge ? " 

What Ferry is responsible for is nothing short of crime," slowly 
enunciated Paul Bert “ And it* is lucky for me that I am going 
away, so that I shall not be mixed up any more with that man's 
policy " 

“ But why did you not rather withdraw from political life ? In 
going out there as governor, you are still mixed up with it You 
might have applied for a great scientific mission, and gone out to 
Tonquin as a scholar, a man of erudition You might have made 
yourself very useful among the Mandarins You are made for 
observation, for research, and not for action " 

I know my life has been a failure in many ways, and that 
I have often been mistaken," answered Paul Bert sadly So now 
I am going to gather myself together, to concentiate my faculties on 
a distinct and definite point, from which I shall not diverge I am 
going to gather up all my forces for it See here, give me credit 
for a little bit of good intention , encourage me a little You have 
good luck or ill luck at your beck It is not a question of Paul 
Bert, whom you abominate, but of a Frenchman who is going far 
away to try and get a little good out of the enormous sacrifices that 
have been made Look you, Madame le Grecque, will you not put 
up a little prayer to Neptune for the voyager ? " 

What are you going to do out there ? I asked What is 
your programme ? \Vhat are your plans ? Opportunists don^t have 
^^7) generally speaking You have something of the Saint- 
Simonian about you , you can find the progressive element easily 
enough in a fact which comes ready to hand, but you can do nothing 
till you have got the fact — a capital principle when you are# in 
opposition, because then your adversaries have to find the facts , but 
a wretched principle for a Government, which has to produce the 
fact Itself" 



I am going to try to conquer the Annamites/^ answered Paul 
Bert, ‘'not to conquer Annam I am going to study their race, 
their ritual, the habits of thought of the literary caste, of the 

"There, you sec,” said I, "an academic mission would have 
seived your purpose completely The man of science is uppermost 
in you still lour character as Governor will alienate the Man- 
darins, that of a delegate of the Institute would have attracted 
them ” 

"But I wish to laise the people I wish to rescue them from 
the domination of the Mandarins To do that, I must be in power 
" And there is a contradiction to begin with, for you cannot both 
protect the people and please the Mandarins Whatcvei you do, don^t 
go expecting to fand a solution all at once In a country like that, 
where the very smallest custom has lasted for centuries, don’t begin 
by upsetting everything, as you generally do And you must not 
think there is nothing but Annamitcs in Annam , there is a whole 
Oriental atmosphere, in which dangers of all sorts are constantly 
brewing for the colonist or the conqueroi 1 still fear that if we 
should get involved in any European complications, China will after 
all possess herself of those tempting provinces on which we have 
spent so much ” 

"China,” said Paul Beit, with his superb assurance, "China is 
no enemy <of ours She is too much afraid of England and Gei- 
many and Russia I shall try to convince her that it is her interest 
not to add us to the list of her enemies ” 

" And the climate ? What are you going to make of that terrible 
climate, that Minotaui' which devours our children and wastes oui 
strength — that accursed possession, that graveyard of Frenchmen ^ ” 

" The climate ^ ” said Paul Bert, smiling " 1 shall treat it with 
contempt I do not think it dangerous You see I do not, for I 
am taking my wife and children with me to Hue Besides, on all 
that stretch of coast, I shall easily find a healthy place There must 
be one somewhere ” 

" Take care That coast has many windings, and you may light 
on the unhealthy spot instead of the healthy ” 

" I believe in my mission,” he answered sharply " Besides, I 
am going to be very prudent I shall keep in mind what Claude 
Bernard used to say to me — ' When you make a discovery, be your 
own first critic * You will see I shall win over the Tonquinese 
people to the French cause , I shall free them from their oppressors , 
and I shall find means to satisfy the oppressors themselves, besides ” 
" It will take you twenty years,” I said, " to produce a single one 
of these results ” 

" Twenty years I It will take me six months ” 



I am sorry for you You are always the same You think you 
can graft reforms, like rats^ tails, on the living flesh Catherine the 
Great said a fine thing in one of her letters to Voltaire ^ My dear 
philosopher, it is not so easy writing on human flesh as it is on 
paper ^ You are going to make laws, to suppress abuses, by pro- 
clamation You ought rather to be preparing time to produce, and 
custom to undergo, a process of slow but sure modification 

The conquest is made, and it involves a system I shall make 
the system sit as easy as possible I will do my best at riding 
your favourite hobby of decentralization — which is my hobby too, 
in the colonies 

He rose to go, saying again as we shook hands — 

" Make your divinities be favourable to me 
I will try to do so,” I answered, but without ardour “ Invoke 
the divinities yourself, as you pass the shores of Greece , and, above 
all, pay attention to the auguries ” 

This IS the letter that came from Paul Bert on the twenty-sixth 
of February 

“Etsidcncc G^n^rale 
de la Kcpiiblique bran< aisc 
en Aniiam et au Tonkin 

“ Cabinet dii R6sident General “ Adev, Feb 26, 1880 

‘ Tbo ancients, when they were engaging in a great work, sacrificed a white 
kid to the propitious divinities, and a blac^ kid to the unpropiUous 

“ T came to you to ask you of which colour I was to choose my kid, and, like 
a good Gieek ind a good Frenchwoman, you tol^ me white 

‘ May the sacrilice bring me good luck, and the divinity continue favourable 
to me For the lest, fortunate winds h ive brought me so tar, except on your 
Greek coast, where the honey is so sweet and the wave so rough At the 
mouth of the ASmilian Gulf we had the weather Horace wished lor Virgil 
Is this a good omen, or only the victim’s wreath ? In either case, 1 am 
not one of the submissive, and the Cakhas who means to cut my throat had 
better look out for himself 

“I have not Iphigenia’s vocation 

“ Happily for many reasons, I have no longer an enemy except among the men 
with yellow skins and half shut eyes And even them 1 hope soon to reduce 
to friends 

“ I say reduce them, for I cannot hope to charm them into friends * That 
is a gift 1 was not born with, and for long years 1 have stupidly wasted my 
opportunities of taking incomparable lessons 

If I come back from the yellow hemisphere, I shall try to make up for 
lost time 

“ Respectfully yours, 

“Paui But” 

He seems to have struggled, manfully and wisely, to be worthy of 
the mission he* had wished for and accepted He found death m a 
path which was not his own path , but no one now can blame him 

* Fr Je diB riduirc ct non siduire 



for having followed it The debt one pays with one^s life cannot be 
owing still Let his memory be lightened of one, at leasts of the 
responsibilities he incurred — the fatal conquest of Tonquin 

But has he not, in dying, opened the way for others f Out there, 
face to face with that negligeablc quantity, the Chinese Empire, lu 
that climate where, under the Ministry of M Ferry, the fiublic 
health was repeatedly found to be so perfect, should not some one of 
those who have got Fiance into the most perilous of all her sciapes 
be ready to relieve guard at the dead mdtn's post? 

Juliette Adam 



T his is an old question^ and it has generally been the policy of 
the Russians to assure the world that it ivas not a practical 
question, that the supposed testament of Peter the Great was a 
forgery, and that Russia did not desire Constantinople Within a 
few months all this has changed, and the Russian press has explained 
pretty fully to the world that Constantinople belongs to Russia, that 
Bulgaria is the bridge which leads to it, and that she proposes to 
take what belongs to her — by force, if necessary 

It IS not the city of Constantinople alone which is to be annexed 
to Ilussia, but Bulgaria, Roumania, and all the territory occupied 
by Slaves in south-eastern Europe With the occupation of Con- 
stantinople and the Dardanelles, the Asiatic coast of thc*Black Sea 
will necessarily fall under Russian rule, and thus the historic 
destiny of Russia will be fulfilled 

Such, in brief, is the scheme of conquest which is involved m 
what IS now the Bulgarian question, but which will soon be the 
Constantinople question I cannot pretend to foretell the steps 
which Russia will take in carrying out this scheme Probably the 
Czar himself docs not ktlow what course events will take, so muen 
depends upon the attitude of other Powers But it seems plain that 
he has determined to secure Bulgaria at any cost This done, the 
other steps will be easy The probability is, that after a brief 
- period of uncertainty and hesitation, the Bulgarian difficulty will 
end in war Firm and concerted action on the part of the Powers 
in defence of Bulgarian independence would prevent a war, but in 
^lew of the past history of Europe, this is hardly to be hoped for 
Sooner or later war must come, and the question is, whether 
England will resist the advance of Russia upon Bulgaria and 



Constautinople, or not Until within a short time it has been an 
accepted principle of European politics that Russia should not be 
allowed to possess Constantinople Such men as Fredenck the 
Great and Napoleon had very decided views on this subject The 

Cnmeaii War was fought in defence of this principle, and the 
Congress of Berlin sent the Russian horde from the gates of 
Constantinople, and established an independent kingdom in the 
Principalities, to gain which Russia has undertaken so many wars 
There have been some months this year, however, when it has 
been difficult for me to* persuade myself that I have not slept the 
sleep of Rip Van Winkle For a time it seemed as though all Europe 
had abandoned this establi^ed principle, and, for some mysterious 
icason ,tad determined to seat the Czar upon the throne of the 
old Eastern Empire Astonished at finding myself so far behind 
the timts^ I sought diligently for some explanation of this change 
In thQ course of m} inquiries, I came upon a distinguished English 
statesman, who expressed the opinion that England would not fight for 
Constantinople, and justified this opinion somewhat as follows England 
IS no longer ruled by her statesmen The people rule, and the states- 
men can do nothing but follow public opinion This new democracy 
knows but little of other European States, and cares nothing for the 
balance of powei It is deeply interested m its own affairs, and is 
quite willing to leave other States to manage theirs as they think best 
It has, however, very decided ideas in regard to the Turks, acquired 
at the time of the Bulgarian atrocity agitation It looks upon them 
as a hopeless race, and it will never lift a finger to help them It 
docs not believe in wasting men and money in foreign wars, or in 
foreign alliances of any kind Moreover, it can never be roused to 
action by any appeal to its interests It can only be moved by some 
moral principle which appeals to its sense of duty So far as this is 
a statement of fact, I have nothing to say If the people is king, 
then to the people I appeal, with quite as much assurance as I 
should to the statesmen, for so far as this statement is prophetic, I 
venture to doubt whether any one can say what the English demo* 
cracy will or will not do If it does not some day astonish its own 
leaders, it will be unlike any other democrady that has ever existed 
It IS true that a democracy is likely to busy itself about small 
things, and its leaders are generally inclined to encourage this in 
their own interests, as followers rather than leaders of public 
opinion But when the people otice grasp a great question they i^re 
capable of acting with the greatest energy, of making any sacrifice, 
and of holding out to the end This was demonstrated in the cml 
war in America The English democracy may or may not fight in 
defence of Constantinople , but if it does not, it will be from no lack 
of spirit It will be because it has failed to understand its interest 


and its duties, or because it has no leaders who are bold enough to 
trust the wisdom and courage of the people It may be quite true 
that the average English voter neither loves the Turks nor hates the 
Russians Why should he 7 As a matter of sentiment he would as 
soon see the Czar as the Sultan at Constantinople — and it would not 
disturb him to know that both of them were at the bottom of the 
Black Sea But, if I am not mistaken, the average Englishman is 
much more likely to take a practical than a sentimental view of this 
question If need be, he will fight for a principle, and he will fight 
in defence of his own interests If it is really the duty of England 
to defend Constantinople, it will be defended as well by the demo- 
cracy of to day as by the aristocracy of thiity years ago, and, I 
expect, with less grumbling w 

For a fair understanding of this question m any one of its various 
hearings, it is essential to grasp the full significance and extent *o£ the 
conquest which is involved in the capture of Constantinople by way 
of Bulgaria The frontier of Russia is to be advanced to the iEgean 
and the Adriatic , the Black Sea is to become a Russian lake , at 
least the coast of Asia Minor from Trebizond to the iEgean is to be 
Russian But this advance of the frontier involves the annexation 
of some of the richest provinces and the most important commercial 
centres m Europe, with a population of twenty millions The 
strength and the. wealth of Russia will be increased in a much greater 
proportion than her territory It is not like the annexation of the 
wastes of Central Asia, which, so far as Europe is concerned, weakens 
the power of Russia Great armies, and the means of supporting 
them, are to be found in this territory It would be possible for 
Russia to add a well-equipped force of 125,000 men to her army, 
within a month after her occupation of Bulgaria and Roumama, 
from these two piovinces alone With the occupation of Constanti- 
nople and the whole territory she could depend on at least a quarter 
of a million, and would tax the people to support them They could 
pay this tax more easily than the Russian peasants pay their taxes 
As a naval Power the position of Russia would be totally changed 
She would be better situated than any other Power to control the 
Mediterranean Holding the Dardanelles, with the Marmora and 
the Black Sea behind it, and all the advantages of Constantinople as 
an arsenal, she would have a naval position which is unsurpassed in 
the world She would become supreme in Europe No one Power 
* and no ordinary coalition of Powers would be able to resist her will, 
or to act in any direction without consulting her wishes 

This 18 no fancy picture It is the histone destiny of Russia, 
^which even ** Liberal Russians expect to see realized within a few 
years It is what Russia was quietly preparing for when Pnnee 
Alexander deranged her plans The Bulgarian army was then already 



counted as a part of the Russian army, and was absolutely under 
the control of the Emperor Arrangements had already been mc^de 
to bring Eastern Roumelia and Macedonia under Russian control, 
and now nothing but the armed intervention of Europe can prevent 
the speedy success of Russia in the full execution of this grand 

It IS plain that such an extension of the Russian Empire must 
seriously affect British interests, both political and commercial With 
the Czar at Constantinople and the Sultan ruling as his vassal at 
Broosa, what would become of the British Empire in India ? Some 
persons have fondly imagined that if Russia were allowed to occupy 
Const^mople she would be cpntent to let India alone Why should 
she ^ ^w^th vastly increased advantages for overthrowing the British 
power in India, why should she refrain from doing so ? If the Czar 
did nothing, the very knowledge of the changed circumstances — the 
vast increase of Russian power, the occupation of Constantinople, the 
vassalage of the Caliph, and the increased difficulties of England— 
would shake the power of England in India But the Czar would 
improve his opportunity lie would not be Russian or even human 
if he did not He would threaten, if not control, the Suez Canal 
It would not be for the interest of other Mediterranean Powers to 
oppose him in this or anything else He would use the Sultan to 
make trouble among the Mohammedans At the same time there 
would be nothing to oppose his advance on the line where he is act- 
ing now in Central Asia England might still hold India in spite of 
the Czar, but it would bo at such a cost as would make it hardly 
worth holding She would have to increase both her naval and 
military expenses enormously and peimanently No doubt Russia 
will some day attack India whether she occupies Constantinople or 
not, but she can certainly do it far better after than before 

It IS not for a Constantinopolitan, however, to discuss this question 
of India, and the only thing that I wish to insist upon is, that the 
conquest of Constantinople would not in any way weaken the desire 
of the Czar to overthrow the British power m the East It would 
rather strengthen it And the great increase of the political power 
of Russia in Europe which would result from this conquest would 
correspondingly dimmish that of England, making it most difficult 
for her to secure the moral or material support of other Powers in a 
conflfct with Russia, and destroying her prestige m the East It 
does not require any special knowledge of India to see the truth ol 
these statements 

The commercial interests of England would be even more seriously 
affected by this advance of Russia There is no city on the 
Continent where English commercial interests centre as they do at 
Constantinople, and, under favourable circumstances, it is destined 


to become far more important than it is now Nature has destined 
Constantinople to be one of the greatest commercial centres of the 
world It IS true that of late years the mistakes of the Turkish 
Government have reduced its importance, but this is only a tem- 
porary thing Even the Turks are beginning to realize their 
blunders Under Russian rule, or as a free city, it would rise again 
at once, and become the emporium of the East A shrewd and 
successful American merchant, who had travelled widely in this part 
of the world, expressed the opinion not long ago, that within a 
hundred years Constantinople would be the largest and richest 
commercial city in the Old World He may be mistaken, but his 
opinion is good evidence to show how Constantinople impresses an 
iTnpgtrtial man who looks at it from a purely commercial staiH^ioint 
Under Russian rule its growth would contribute nothing to the 
commerce of England On the contrary, England would lose what 
she now has The markets of all this part of the world would be 
practically closed against her English goods would, to a great 
extent, disappear fiom south-eastern Europe, and probably also 
from Asia Minor This would result not simply from the fact that 
Russia has a protective tariff The United States has a protective 
tariff, and is at the same time England’s largest customer But 
Russia goes farther She makes a special effort to exclude British 
goods A dozen English steamers pass up the Bosphorus everv 
day for Russian ports, but nearly all arc without cargo There was 
formerly an important commerce in English goods between Con- 
stantinople and Central Asia It has ceased since the advance of 
Russia ovfer these countries The trade with Persia has also been 
cut off, so fai as it has been iii the power of Russia to stop it 

Just fifty years ago Mr Cobden published a pamphlet to prove 
that it would be a great advantage to England to have Russia 
capture Constantinople and annex the whole Turkish Empire He 
maintained these views at the time of the Crimean War, and his 
pamphlet was republished, with approval, by the Cobden Club in 
1876 The argument is chiefly from the commercial point of view 
So far from sympathising with Mr Arnold-Forster (Nineteenth 
Century, Sept ), who would have England look to her colonies as 
her great hope, Mr Cobden says the colonies are nothing but the 
costly appendages of an aristocratic Government," and the sooner 
they are left to themselves the better 

But he argues that, while under the Sultan the decaying provinces 
of the Turkish Empire consume British goods to the amount of only 
half-a-million, and will consume less, the trade of England with 
Russia IS always increasing with its wealth, and that the annexation 
of Turkey would be followed by a wonderful development of British 
trade in the East He claims that Russia cannot become a manu- 
VOL Ll £ 



factunng country, and that she is specially dependent on England. 

No country can carry on great financial transactions except 
through the medium of England These are the speculations of a 
great theorist fifty years ago Now, let us look at the facts* 
English tiade with Turkey, notwithstanding the continued reign of 
the Sultan, has steadily increased Mr Cobden says it was £500,000 
in 1835 Now the single small province of Eastern Roumeha i» 
reported to consume half that amount of British goods, and the 
imports of these goods into Turkey in 1884 amounted to nearly 
€7,000,000 The total of British tiade with what was Turkey in 
1835 IS now about 632,000,000 During these same years has the 
consumption of British products m Russia increased in the same 
proportion r* He does not give the amount in 1835, and I have no 
official statistics, but Black gi\c3 the sum at 61,750,000 In 1880 
it was £8,000,000, with a steady decline to 1885, when it was 
65,000, (X)0, or £2,000,000 less than T'urkcy 

During these fifty years Turkey has grown smaller in tcrritoiy ^nd 
population, while Russia has increased her population from GO 
millions to more than 100 millions According to Mr Cobdeu^s 
theories, making full allowance for the general increase of trade 
throughout the world, Tuikey ought to be still impoiting to the 
amount of about £500,000, while Russia ought to be buying at least 
6 55,000,000 worth of British produce As to lus other statements, 
the produce of Russian manufactures is not less than 6250,000,000 , 
and Berlin has much more to do with Russian finance than England 

Time has proved Mr Cobden^s remarks to be unfounded, and his 
conclusion is equally fafec The capture of Constantinople and the 
advance of Russia to the Adriatic will practically put an end to 
English commerce in this part of the world This is the fixed policy 
of the Russian Government, and it will be applied here as vigorously 
as it has been in the countries annexed during the last ten years An 
old English merchant, who has dealt with those provinces for many 
jears, and who has lately visited them, assures me that he can buy 
there as freely as ever, but that he can sell nothing 

At the present time Russian trade with Turkey is small, but the 
capture of Constantinople would give her the practical control of the 
Empire and she would take the place of England If she is kept 
withm her present frontiers, there is no reason why English com- 
merce with Turkey should not continue to steadily increase If left 
to themselves, the small States of south-eastern Europe will rapidly 
increase m wealth and population, and, notwithstanding the weak- 
ness of the Turkish Government, it is a fact that Asia Minor is every 
year a better customer of England With the railways which are 
now projected commerce will rapidly increase We have but little 


jf^tience with the Turks and speak contemptuously of their reforms, 
but those who have lived for thirty Or ^orty years in Asia Minor 
know very well that there has been great progress in building roads, 
in the administration of the law, and especially in the seciinty of life 
and property. Like Russia, Turkey is a despotism of the Asiatic 
type , but there is far more liberty here than there, even for the 
natives of the eountity, and the present Sultan is doing his best to 
develop the resources of the Empire Whatever may be the final 
destiny of Constantinople, it is, beyond a doubt, for the present 
interest of English commerce that it continue to be the capital of 
the Turkish Empire, and it can never be an advantage to England to 
have it annexed to Russia, whatever the alternative may be 

There is still another view which we are bound to take of the 
advance of Russia to Constantinople It is not a now one , English- 
men were once very familiai with it At the time of the Crimean 
War it was presented fully as a moral justification of the action of 
England in defending Turkey It was claimed that tins war was 
really a conflict between Eastern and Western civilization, between 
despotism and liberty , that it was undertaken, not to defend Turkey 
or English interests, but the rights of man Here is an extract from 
the Economist of Dec 2, 1854 — 

^^]Vliat me iie for f It is not, as Mi Bright has d'lrcd to represent, 

‘ to uphold a filthy despotism ’ It is not to maintain a decrepit Government, 
which may or may not bo npidly improving, which may or may not bo ible 
to lecovcr its vitality and romw its stiength but with which we can hive, 
per se, no very close or vivid symp ithics It is not to retain in the East ol 
Europe that political ind diplomatic influence which we began to feai might 
bf* overshadowed by the growing power of our riv il It is not, in a word, toi 
iny of those trifling or hollow purposes for which too many of our former 
wais were undertaken We are fighting not for Tuike^ but for Europe 
We arc fighting not loi a Mohammedan despotism, but for^uropean freedom 
and civilization We are fighting not foi Turkey but against Russia Wo 
are doing what the very difliculties we encounter show us ought to have been 
done long ago We are engaged in the task of controlling and beating 
bick a Power which alieady overshadows half of Asia and three fourths ot 
Europe, which a few more years of supine inaction on our part, and ot 
tolerated encroachment on hers, ni ly make absolutely irresistible, and whom 
we know to be the lesolute, instinctive, conscientious foe of all tl at we Jiold 
dearest and most sacred — ol humm rights, of civil libeity, of enlightened 
pi ogress A little more sleep and a little more folding of the hands to rest — 
a little more pausing in apathy, is w e have been doing year after year, step 
after step, conquest after conquest — and Russia would have been supreme 
at the Sound and on the Dardanelles, and the chance of saving civili/ntion and 
assuring freedom have been lost for ever ** If we arc not to stand for 

ever aloof in cold indifference to the welfare and existence of other States , if 
there be such things as social duties among nations , finally, if it be as right to 
draw the sword in defence of the highest interests of humanity as of our own 
material possessions, we in our hearts Relieve that history can rarely point 
to a war so just, so holy, and so imperative as this ” 

This is a fair specimen of hundreds of articles that were written 

L 2 



during those years, and I find them not only interesting, but some- 
'vrhat novel I do not remember to have read much of late years on 
the duties that we owe to liberty and the rights of man, or 
the fundamental principles of Western civilization Perhaps Louis 
Napoleon^s idea of the rights of nationalities has takmi the place of 
the idea of individual liberty , or possibly Bismarck nbas rendered 
despotism once more respectable Perhaps wef have half accepted 
the claim of Socialism, that c'vic liberty is worthless and our own 
civilization a failure , or possibly we have been fully occupied with 
the effort to rid ourselves of Christianity Whatever may be the 
reason, there has not been much said on this subject of late, and 
even the French Republic seems to have inherited none of the 
propagandist spirit of the Revolution It seems to be more utterly 
selfish than even the last Empire 

But are these things really less dear or less important to us than 
they were thirty vears ago ^ Are they no longer worth fighting for ^ 
There nas no difference of opinion on this subject in Great Britain 
at the time of the Crimean War Those who opposed the war then, 
and those who have condemned it since, did so on the ground that 
no such interests vicrc really at stake, and it must be confessed that 
appearances Mere somewhat in favour of this view, in spite of the 
honest conviction of the English people to the contrary I have no 
wish to discuss the Crimean War I wish only to call attention to 
the noble principles which inspired the people at that time What- 
ever may have been true then or in other wars, there is no need of 
question or misapprehension now Russia cannot claim that her 
advance is now in the interests of any oppre^ised nationality She is 
not called by any persecuted Christians to free them from the 
Tuikish yoke Bulgaria has no desire to be annexed to the Russian 
Empire She has resisted the encroachments of Russia to the best 
of her ability, and what she demands is liberty to work out her own 
destiny The aim of Russia is conquest, it is to fulfil her histone 
destiny, to capture Constantinople and extend her frontiers to the 
Adriatic From her point of view this is, no doubt, a perfectly 
natural and reasonable object It is easy to understand that the 
Czar may honestly feel that he has reason to rage against the 
Bulgarians, who most unexpectedly stand in his way He jprobably 
thinks that he has a divine right to capture Constantinople and 
restore it to Orthodoxy He undoubtedly believes that it would be a 
blessing to Europe if he ruled the whole of it, and could reduce it to 
the condition of Russia It is not necessary to attribute to him any 
unworthy motives, or to question his sincerity if he draws his sword 
in the name of the Holy Trinity He represents an idea of civiliza- 
tion, of government, and of the rights of man, totally different from 
ours — an idea which we believe to be destructive of all human 


progress , an Asiatic rather than a European idea It is not for us 
to force our idea upon him or his people If they are satisfied, or 
if they are not yet ready to appreciate and accept our idea, it is 
their ovrn afiair We may pity them, but we have no right to 
declare war painst them In fact, so far as I know, the Anglo- 
Saxon race has no race antipathy for the Russians On the contrary, 
there is much in the Russian character with which we can sympathize 
better than any other race in the world For my own part, there is 
no people m Europe which has interested me more than the 

But when the Czar proposes to use his despotic power and the 
vast resources which are at the command of his single will, to force 
his idea upon Europe, to destroy the liberties of rising nationalities, 
and to threaten our civilization, it seems to me that if there is in 
England any of that spirit which was manifested thirty years ago, it 
will rise to resist the advance of Russia If England has more faith 
in democracy than she had then, so much the more reason is there 
for hci to defend it 

Tliat the advance of Russia Mill be the destruction of the liberties 
of south-eastern Europe is plain enough The Roumanians, Bul- 
ganans, Servians, and Greeks jbave no sympathy with the Russian 
idea However we may account for it, these races under Turkish 
rule learned to hate despotism and to value individual liberty They 
grew into sympathy with Western rather than Eastern civilization 
All their hopes and aspirations arc in that direction, and have been 
ever since their emancipation The Greeks, who have been fice the 
longest, are more demociatic than the French, and quite as much so 
as the English There is no reason why these races, if left to them- 
selves, should not be in full sympathy with the best Ideas of Western 
Europe, and do their part in solving the great problems of human 
progress There is no reason why they should not oome into a 
friendly alliance between themselves, and secure peace, wealth, and 
prosperity to this part of the world Up to the present time the 
chief obstacle to this alliance has been the constant intrigues of 
Russia Put an end to this and give them time, and they will then come 
into harmony It may seem hard to make this charge against Russia, 
when all these people omc morq or less of their liberty to her efforts 
But it 18 true, and the Bulgarians have been told often enough 
within the past year, by the Russians themselves, that Russia fought 
the last war for her own interests and not for theirs 

The advance of Russia to Constantinople will condemn these 
people to the fate of Poland Their hberties will be abolished, their 
hopes crushed, and their spint broken South-eastern Euiope will 
be lost to civilization and progress, and become the support of Rus- 
sian despotism Is there nothing here which is worth defending — 



nothing which the new English democracy thinks worth fighting 
for ? Has the democrac} discovered that all interests but selfish 
ones are exploded superstitions ^ I believe that those English poli- 
ticians who thuiL that this is the spirit of the democracy have made 
the great mistake of their li\e« They will find it mom easily stirred 
by moral considerations than the old aristocracy 

But the liberties of South-eastern Europe are not the only ones 
that will be endangered by the advance of Russia If she secures 
the vast increase of power involved in this conquest; her influence will 
be supreme in Europe; and one of two things must follow eithei 
the submission of Europe to the dictation of Russia and the gradual 
substitution of Russian foi AVestern civilization; or a life-and-death 
struggle between the two, which would arrest the progress of Europe 
for fafty years, even if Russia utre defeated It is true that the 
Continental Powers, and Austria first of all, ha\e a more immediate 
interest in this impending danger than England has It is true that 
the Russian hates the German and the Bulgarian with a bitterness 
beyond our comprehension, and has no such hatred of the English- 
man , but it is the dream of a fooPs paradise to imagine, as one writei 
suggests, that England can allow Europe to go to destruction, and ^ct 
remain rich and prosperous as mistrq/ss of the seas and powerful m 
her colonic^ England is not mistress of the seas now, and still less 
would she be so if Russia were at Constantinople She is not so fai 
from Europe as to be beyond the reach of Russia e\en now How 
manv allies did she find when a war was imminent in 1885 ^ Eveiy 
advance of Russia m Europe must weaken the powpr, dimmish the 
commerce, increase the expenditure, and endanger the liberties of 
England English civilization has its own pcculiantic<«, but it is 
essentially tlie civilization of Europe, and it will stand or fall with 
Ibis ]t has its imperfections, ^nd there is plenty ot room for im- 
provement , but it will not be improved by the Russification of 
Europe True civih/ation is constantly aggressive, and it is not this 
icaturc of Russian civdization to which wc object If the Russians 
believe, as they say so openly, that the ciiilization of Europe is corrupt 
and dying, while theirs is pure ^nd living, it is their duty to be 
aggresbiie But if England values her civilization, she must defend 
It oA the Continent as well as at home It will be a poor consolation 
to know that south-eastern Europe and Austria have been the fiist to 
suflfer, when England herself comes to feel the weight of the Russian 
advance, and when it is too late to turn b^k the tide 

It may be true that England cannot defend Constantinople alone 
against an advance of Russia by way of Bulgaria, but it is equally 
true that Austna cannot do it alone It has been supposed that 
Austria might compromise with Russia and save herself by becoming 
an accomplice, but tins is an idea which could only have occurred 


to one who was imperfectly acquainted with the Balkan Peninsula 
If Russia secutes Bulgaria, she is just as certain to go to the Adriatic 
as she is to come to Constantinople The nature of the country and 
the character of the people are such that no Power could share it 
with Russia, Incept, perhaps, as a temporary expedient Austria and 
England together could save Bulgaria and defend Constantinople, 
•even if Russia attacked India at the same time For both it would 
be strictly a defensive war — a war in defence of life and liberty I 
believe that for both it would be a war worth every sacrifice that it 
would cost 

It is said, with how much truth I do not know, that France, 
which has always claimed to be the founder and leader of our Western 
civilization, has allied herself with Russia and will support her advance 
— that she has sold herself to Russia in order to drive England out of 
Egypt It IS said that Germany, which has aspired to dominate 
Europe, fears a Franco-Russian alliance, and will not move to assist 
Austria, but on the contrary advises her to compromise with Russia 
It 18 said that Austria and England distrust one another, and that 
Turkey will give up the Balkans to secure a precarious lease of 
Constantinojile for a few more years It is said that it is better to 
sacrifice Bulgaria than to have a Euiopean war This all seems 
incredible to me It is true that no Power in Europe can desire 
war, and that no Power can now say decidedly what disposition it 
would wish to maie of Coifetantinople if the Turks were to leave it 
But it does not follow from this that they will allow Russia to take 
advantage of their jealousies to secure its road to Constantinople and 
finally capture the city ♦ 

Still, history sometimes repeats itself, and it remains to be seen 
whether it will do so in this case 

Once before in the history of the world Europe has been summoned 
to defend Constantinople in the interests of civilization It was then 
the bulwark of Christendom It had long defended Europe against 
the e\er-advancing Turk But the Emperor was weak, his 
Court was feeble and corrupt, his people demoralized, his treasury 
empty, and his friends few He had lost Bulgaria as well as Asia, 
and the Turks had gamed it He appealed to Europe, in the name 
of Christianity and civilization, to save itself m saving him No one 
eared for him, which was not strange perhaps, and it was not the 
business of any one in particular to defend Euiope Perhaps they 
thought that the Turk was not so bad after all, and that when he had 
won Constantinople he would be content to let Europe alone, or that his 
character might change under these new circumstances At any rate, 
the question whether Constantinople was worth fighting for was 
discussed all over Europe, and while they were still discussing the 
city was captured Ihe story is too familiar to be repeated here , 



but the fact is worth recalling, that when it was too late Europe 
recognized the importance of Constantinople, and suffered the conse- 
quences of her folly for centuries The Turk was not less aggressive 
than before He was far more than ever the terror of the world 
lie did not adopt European civilization He did his b|st to destroy 
it, as his conscience bound him to do After 400 j ears he is still 

And now Europe is once more discussing the same question It 
cares as little, perhaps, for the Sultan as the old Europe did for the 
Emperor Constantine Palaeologus, and is as much puzzled as to the 
future of the city It is summoned, however, to defend it against the 
Czar of Russia, the present representative of Asiatic despotism and a 
new civilization which is to be forced upon Europe 

I do not mean any disiespcct either to the Czar or to the memory 
of Mahomet II in making this comparison I do not attribute to the 
Czar any intentions that have not been proclaimed by his most 
intimate fiiends and advisers as a part of the ‘ histone destiny of 
Russia She is to capture Constantinople, and from this vantage- 
ground she IS to comert Europe to her own ideas of government, 
destroy Western civilization, and substitute a higher and bettei one 
of her own in its place Such was also the plan of Mahomet II 
The question is, whether Europe »ill repeat the mistake which she 
made in 1153 

« An Old Residlnt 



M Z0L\ as a noAelist has a very large public “Nana/^ the 
• ‘^Assommoir/^ and their congeners, have passed through 
many editions, have numbered thousands of intellects, good, bad, 
and indifferent , have been read pretty well everywhere Their repu- 
tation, to use the consecrated phrase, is European But M Zola 
as a critic is much less widely known I doubt if there be a great 
many Englishmen who are aware that he is a critic at all 

And yet M Zola as a ciitic is a by no means inconsiderable per- 
sonage He has in several volumes criticized literature, life, art,, 
the drama, politics, and other matters He has said his say, rather 
copiously, on his compeers and contemporaries among French* novel- 
ists and playwrights He has criticized his own critics, not without 
asperity He has, in short, elbowed his critical way in every direc- 
tion with remarkable vigour, Mtting hard and# freely to right and 
left, parrying the blows aimed at himseli and his friends, drink- 
ing delight of battle in a very ei^ent manner And with all this 
bludgeon play — for even his admirers would scarcely affirm that the 
lapier is his favourite weapon — ^it cannot at all be sMd that he fights 
as one beating the air He knows perfectly what he is about Be- 
hind his judgments on man and things there is a definite, consistent 
body of doctrine, a philosophy of life and art We may deny his 
dogmas, reject his standards, be tempted to smile at his pretensions, 
his lofty claims as a moralist and regenerator of mankind , but we 
cannot in fairness refuse to regard him as one who during a con- 
siderable number of years has held to the same opinions and preached 
them with real conviction, and whose criticisms are the application, 
C9nscientious and mdepeffident, of the opinions so held 

This at once, as I think — great ability being granted— ^ makes of 


M Zola the critic au interesting figure To me, indeed; considering 
the curious lights and reflections which his views cast upon certain 
phases of contemporary thought, he is in certain respects more 
interesting as a critic than as a novelist For the novelist, however 
vigorous and masterful his own personality, must perforce, if he is 
an artist at all, efface himself very much in order to give fuller, in- 
tenser life to the characters he has evoked He can only address 
the world, to any very systematic purpose, through their mouths, and 
as it were at second hand But the critic, especially the dogmatic 
critic, has no need to exercise such self-restraint He can proclaim 
his own opinions from the house-tops He can explain their why 
and their wherefore, whence they come and whither they are tend- 
ing , preach them in all then fulness And thus, though there is 
much of M Zola^s mind that wc can deduce easily enough from his 
novels, yet, if we wish really to formulate his creed, wc must go to 
the six volumes of his miscellaneous essays 

Ills creed — it is certainly one that at first sight seems to imply 
some personal arrogance Briefly, and not altogether unfairly, it may 
be summanred thus on the topmost and finest pinnacle of the 
structure which the slow hand of Time has so patiently evolved,^^ 
there stand M Zola and his friends, the French novelists of the 
" Experimental and Naturalist " school But as this may look 
like caricature on my part, and as it is really far from my intention 
to urge against him any very serious charge of inordinate self-asser- 
tion and self-esteem, jierhaps I had better amplify this bald summary, 
and explain how he comes to regard himself as occupying a position 
of such exceptional vantage 

M Zola, then, holds — therein following Comte — that the world has 
passed through its theological infancy, discarded the metaphysics of 
its adolescence, and at last reached tl^e manhood of Positivism The 
age, as he is never \^ary of declaring, is an age of facts, of science, 
of that relative knowledge which alone is possible to humanity 
Nay, he is bold to affirm that seiencc is the poetry of our age , 
science, with iM marvellous out-blossommg of discoveries, its con- 
quests over matrer, the wings that it has bestowed on man so as to 
multiply Ins activity tenfold * Even admitting this, however — and 
of course the well-disposed disputant will always admit anything — 
there still deems room for wonder that in this world of facts the 
fictionist should be entitled to take so high and important a place 
But that IS the very point M Zola is most bent on establishing 
Accordingly, in order to storm and hold this key to his whole position, 
he marshals all the big battalions of his logic, urges his argufnents to 

* It muBt be nnderatood that this multiplication of activity by means of wings is 
M /ola s image, not minc^ 



the assault with unflagging spirit, and is never weary of issuing 
bulletins of triumph over the victories which he claims 

Let us follow his conquering arms for a moment, and survey the 
field of battle as he sees it Certainly, thus he argues in effect 
There may at first sight seem to be some incongruity in claiming 
for the novelist the very first place in an age which crowns all other 
ages because it is an age of fact , but that is because the world has 
been accustomed to take an altogether wrong view of the novelist's 
functions He has hitherto been regarded as a man of imagination, 
who had done his duty when he had invented a senes of incidents 
more or less probable, or of characters more or less heroic He was 
to be a story-tellei like Dumas, or a brilliant vtrtmso on the instru- 
ment of language like Victor Hugo, or an exponent of idealized 
passion like George Sand In brief, his world was to be an ideal 
world But all that has been changed, revolutionized, reformed, by 
the greater novelists of to-day To the ideal world, dear to the 
spiritualist generation of 1830, has succeeded the world of a genera- 
tion — ^^my generation/' IVL Zola is fond of calling it, somewhat 
royally — “ which is positivist Both these worlds are in presence 
One must kill the other" Not, of course, that the superb noonday 
of the present came quite suddenly and without a dawn There 
was Stendhal, who first streaked the grey of the classic and romantic 
night , and then Balvac — Balzac, the vastest brain of this century/' 
^^the true man of the age" — who scarcely perhaps realized the 
importance of his own mission, and retained to the end a quite 
childish admiration for Sir Walter Scott, but who nevertheless 
expired, stoned and crucified, as the Messiah of the great school 
of Naturalism " And into his labours have entered Flaubert, the 
brothers Ue Goucourt, M Daudet, M Zola himself, and a host of 
other puissant if lesser writers. They form that great school of the 
present and future To them man is no ideal being, mendaciously 
sublimed and glorified by the possession of a soul, but a highly 
developed animal, forming the last link in a long chain of evolution 
As such the new school study him They are his l&turalists " They 
collect facts about him, collate and classify those hlman documents" 
on which he writes, consciously or unconsciously, the story of his 
instincts, passions, powers, appetites 

Nor must it for a moment be supposed that the beneficent 
functions of the novelist are limited to the discovery and record of 
facts Even so, his value, sociologically, woald»no doubt be immense 
But in reality he docs much more There is m M Zola's ‘^Le 
Boman Experimental"^ a smgular article, which in fact gives its jxwaxe 

* I may as well enumerate here M Zola's ontijcal works Ihe first is entitled, very 

obaractonstically, Mes Haines," for M Zola is a cood hater, and would, sq far, have 
pleased Dr Johnson , and then come— -1 am not adopting any particidsr order—* ** Le 



to the book^ explaining how, from M Zola’s point of view, the new 
school of novelists are ^^experimenters" m human nature He 
takes for text a scientific treatise by Claude Bernard on "Experimental 
Medicine," and pioves, with many comments and much quotation, 
that the methods of the scientist and novelist are analogous For, 
just as the scientist " employs the methods of simple or complex 
investigation m order to vary and modify natural phenomena, and 
exhibit them under circumstances and conditions under which 
Nature does not present them," thereby wringing from them their 
deepest secrets , even so the novelist can vary and modify the circum- 
stances under which human phenomena are presented In the great 
laboratory of man’s life all the elements are absolutely at his disposal 
Parentage, inherited tendencies, sex, age, education, character, intel- 
lect, fortune, social position, nationality — all that goes to make the 
difference between one human creature and another, is in his hand 
He has but to alter the proportions or change the conditions, and 
watch the result Thus he can, for instance, take any given 
character and place it among such surroundings as he pleases, and 
then study at leisure the influence which those surroundings will 
exercise upon that particular character So he vanes the phenomena 
of Nature So he enlarges the sphere of positive knowledge So, with 
a sure hand, he maps out the future destinies of man Once grant 
that the results thus obtained have a strictly scientific value, and the 
consequences are far-reaching, immense Nor is M Zola the person to 
forego any claim, however exalted, on behalf of himself and his fellow- 
craftsmen A breath of quite lyrical enthusiasm passes over him as 
he reveals the glories of the" experimental" no\elists achievements, 
and shadows forth the splendouis of his mission He returns to 
the subject again and again, and yet again He is never weary 
of it 

“ There are no limits,” he cries, " to the ‘^plieie of the novel It has invaded 
*nd disjjossebsed all other forms of literature Like science, it has conquered 
tlie world It attacks any subject, embraces history, treats of physiology and 
psychology, rises tp the highest flights of poetry, studies the most diverse 
questions — ^pohtic|||BOCial economy, religion, morals Tlie whole of nature is 
its domain, and m that domain it moves with the utmost freedom, adopting 
uiy form at will, selecting any tone that may seem most suitable, recognizing 
no boundary or limit In truth, the masterpieces among modern novels 

go far deeper into the secrets ol man and nature than grave works of history, 
philosophy, and ciiticism It is the modern tool of tools ” * 

“ Our object,” he cries 'igain, "is the same as that of the phjsiologist and 
medical experimentalist We, too, desire to master the phenomena of the 
intellectual and personal elements, so as to be able to direct them We are, 
m a word, experimenting moralists, who demonstrate by our experiments 

^eptnmentaJ,” ** Les Romanciers Naturalistes,” ‘'Documents Litt^raires,” “ Le 
^laturaliaine au TJh fttre,” “ Kos Auteurs Dramatiques,” and “ Une Canq>agne ” 

* " Le Roman Experimental,” p 124 



how a given passion will operate in a certain social environment Whene\er 
we really hold in our hand the mechanism of that passion, we shall be able 
to subject It to trcitment, and to reduce it, or at least to render it as 
innocuous as possible And in this dwell the practical usefulness and high 
morality of our ‘ Naturalist ’ works — works which experiment on man, which 
take the human machine to pieces and put it together again, in order to make 
it work under the influence of a given enviropment When time has progressed, 
when a full knowledge of the governing laws is ours, we shall only have to 
acton individuals ^nd environments if we wish to realize the best social condi- 
tion Thus are we practical sociologists, and oui task is the furthering of 
political and economic science Nor, I repeat, do I Know of any nobler work, 
nor of any work larger in its application To be^lord over good and evil, to be 
able to rule over hie, over society, to finally solve the problems of socialism, 
and above all to solve by experiment questions of criminality, and so to establish 
i solid basis for the action of justice — is not this to be the most useful and 
most moral of workers in the field of human labour ? ” * 

And yet again he cries know of no school more moral and austere than 
that of the ‘ Naturalist * novel-writers ” 

Now, there are doubtless some of my readers from whom this 
aspect of the Naturalist school had been a little veiled perhaps, and 
who have not hitherto fully appreciated the sublime moral mission of 
such works as Nana,^^ Therese Raquin," and Pot Bouille ” 
They may have failed to detect the truly apostolic character of 
M Zola They may be tempted even to, smile at his solemn 
declaration, Ibat because Scott idealizes passion, therefore Scott^s 
moral influence is more pernicious than that of M Zola^s friends 
They mav not, in short, have recognized in what an austere and 
strictly scientific spirit he and his were toiling for the good of man 
But then my readers are Englishmen, and if not Protestants, at 
least brought up in a Protestant country, and so far in a Protestant 

environment ” , and how should Protestantism understand the deep 
things of M Zola ? For M Zola, who therein again follows Comte, ♦ 
holds Protestantism in high disdain It has, as he considers, 
poisoned the world with "false virtue and false modesty”! It is 
"drowning” France It is "threatening” " the Jlepublic ” It is 
"ravaging” French "literature” It has bound and gagged the 
" England of Shakespeare and Ben Jonson ” It has brought us to 
such a low ebb of imbecility that since Dickens weHave not had a 
single writer of any merit It is " the enemy,” the arch-enemy 
He " defies an artist ever to be able to live on good terms with a 
Protestant ” 

Clearly, therefore, it is not for us, poor insulanes that we are, to 
judge of the moral aspect of the " Naturalist ” movement But 
still we may perhaps be in a position to judge of M Zola's pre- 
tensions to give scientific value to the novels of "Naturalism” 

1 Roman Exp^nmental,** p 23 

T x^ua mourona de fauaae vertu et de faoase pudeur,** saya M Zola. 1 don't know 
that I should dpi lort have expected his end to come in precisely that manner 



And here truth compels me to declare that the whole of his elaborate 
argument is^ in my opinion at least| but as a glimmer of moonshine 
He himself shall help me to prove it, for M Zola does not always 
remember to be the man of science and puritaif, of " Naturalism/^ 
He sometimes, as when wilting the sentence which I last quoted, 
thinks of himself as an artist , and as an artist, especially an artist 
who aspires also to be a critic, he has had occasion to seek for 

what he would call the " formula of his art He did so many 

years ago when writing “ Mes Haines,'^ and is evidently still quite 
satisfied with the result , *for he returns, in the Documents Lit- 
tcraires/^ to the formula which he then discovered, and quotes it 
with complacency I, too, am therefore justified in treating it with 
respect, and not regarding it as one of the utterances of what 
M Zola calls his hours of weakness — liis hemes kicked This, then, 
is the definition A work of ait is a corner of nature seen through 

the medium of a temperament A corner of nature * Here wc 

aic well within the regions of science Astronomy, geology, botany, 
and, I will grant for the sake of argument, even sociology — all these 
co\cr ‘‘ corners of nature, more or less extended, all embrace facts 
and cerfain theories, more or less definitely established, explaining 
the facts and their relations But a temperament * ” What has 
that to do with the matter '' The astronomer does^ot examine 
the stars through the medium of his tcmpciament,^^ nor a 
geologist the strata of the earth, nor a botanist the structure of 
plants And if a sociologist does so examine the phenomena of 
society — as, in fact, sociologists mainly do — why, then he is doing 
what in him lies to dcstioy the scientific character of his special 
" ologv No The object of the real scientist is to cultivate his 
•Iiowcis of oliservatioii, of classifying and systematizing fact, and 
even to foster, wlnle he restrains, that superb gift, the scientific 
imagination — but to get rid altogether of his temperament He 
wishes to see his “ corner ot nature m an absolutely dry light, and 
IS great lu so far as he succeeds 

But the artist, as M Zola very rightly tells us, docs see his " cornci 
of nature ‘^through the medium of his tempcr«imeat — a Very 
different thing And as he images that corner of nature back to us 
in the mirror of his art, he shadows it with his gloom or floods it 
with bis sunshine , his passion makes it hot and lurid , his imagina* 
tion irradiates it , his fancy plays over it , his nobler aspirations 
glorify it with shafts of purest light , not a feeling of his soul but 
casts upon it some reflection These additions from the artist's 
temperament arc of the very essence of art Without them the 
image of the corner of nature is but as a dry photograph if mirrored 
in paint, or as a dull statement of facts if mirrored in words 
It has no claim to regarded as a work of art at all M Zola 



himself would recognize this freely and always, if he were not 
blinded by his scientific pretensions Has he not gone so far as to 
say "In my view a work of art is an individuahty, or 
personality What I look for above all else in a picture is 
a man, and not a picture i*” * And if the action of the individual 
upon the object presented be so all-important, what becomes of that 
dry light which is the light of science ^ What becomes of om 
novelist’s claim to sit in the professor’s chair, arid conduct a series of 
experiments, coram po/mlo, lor tho benefit of man’ 

A series of experiments — alas ! shall I confess that that claim to 
attach scientific valUe to the novelist’s creations, as if they were 
experiments in science, and to employ them for the solution of 
social problems, seems to me moie illusory than all A novelist 
produces a certain character That character is bom partly of 
observation, but very much more, if the character is to have life, of 
the novelist’s imagination It is placed by the novelist in a world, 
or, as M Zola would prefer to say, in an environment, which is also 
the result in part of observation and in part of imagination The 
cnviionmcnt acts on the character in a certain manner, and that 
M Zola regards as the equivalent of a scientific experiment Hut 
all the elements of a seientific experiment are wanting We touch 
fact at no stage of our proceedings When a chemist puts certain 
bodies into a crucible, ho knows exactly what those bod^ies are, and 
to what action he subjects them, and his " temperament ” has nothing 
to do with the result Here, however, the contents of the crucible 
arc hypotheses, guesses, surmises, intuitions, observations , and the 
altogether uncertain action to which they are subjected is " tempera- 
ment” One might as well expect to obtain a purely scientific 
result by alchemy and the black art Of course I do not mean any 
such absurdity as that the novelist’s observations of life and charactei 
go foi nothing, and that he has no power of revealing what lies hidden 
in the hearts and minds of men Ho possesses such power unques- 
tionably Take " Adam Bede,” for instance We know the people 
in that book better, with a closer intimacy of knowledge, t.lnn^ nine- 
tenths of the persons whom we meet in actual life The world to 
which it introduces us is for us all as a corner of the real world 
The writer by her consummate art produces upon us the highest of 
art illusions — the illusion of realitv Let us honour with all honour 
what IS so admirable Let us honour it too much to palter with 
language, and talk of science when in fact we are dealing with art 
No|r, of course there are temperaments and temperaments, 
very good, and some not quite so admirable, and upon the quality erf 
the temperament will in a great measute depend the quality of tbe 
art A few years ago, as I well remember, Mr Liebreich, ilie 

* ** M€8 Hamea ” 



oculist, read a paper at the Royal Institution, proving, to his own 
but not Mr Ruskin's satisfaction, that cei^tain peculiarities in the 
pictures of Turner and Mulready were due to eye diseases, which 
prevented those artists from seeing the world as it is seen by men 
whose eves are quite healthy They looked at objects, such was 
Mr Liebreich's contention, in the one case through a lens that had 
lost its shape, and iti the other, its colour Even such a lens, as I 
make bold to affirm, is M Zola’s temperament , and if I were at the 
present moment reviewing his novels, nothing would be easier than 
to show what a distorting and sombre influence it has exercised upon 
his vision of nature’s corners, and how exclusively it has led him to 
dwell upon the dust and the cobwebs But my task here is only vqry 
incidentally connected with his novels 1 am dealing with him 
mainly as a ciitic If, however, I ran show, as I think I can, 
what fantastic tricks that temperament of his has played with his 
criticism — why, then, I shall have disposed of his scicntiflc pretensions 
even more effectiially perhaps than if I had established the unscien- 
tific character of his fiction For the critic is bound to a severe 
and equitable impartiality which is by no means necessary to the 

M Zola’s temperament, the essential literary character of him — 
in speaking of this it must of course be understood that I place his 
private character entirely to one side Of what he may be lu the 
ordinarv relations of life I neither know, nor have a right to know, 
anything It is only his chaiacter as a writer that can possibly be 
here in question When I sav, therefore, that the essential quality 
of his spirit is coarseness, I must be exonerated from all intention o** 
personal discourtesy Naturally, there are many other hues blended 
in the temperament through which he views life art, and letters 
But coarseness is the prevailing tone He seems to sec everything 
through what may be called an animal atmosphere Docs this 
expression seem unduly strong, and unwarranted by the ordinary 
amenities of literature’ I scarcely think M Zola himself would 
repudiate it Possibly he might even rcgaid it as a compliment 
Has he not assured us that the result of all investigations into the 
various classes of society is immediately to reach the beast in man, 
whether covered by a black coat or by a blouse ” * And it is this 
beast which his temperament leads him always to see, and to see 
cxcludivdy A swarming, huddled mass of growling creatures, each 
hounded on by his foul appetites of greed and lust , the strong 
succeeding rightly in virtue of their strength, and the weak, as 
rightly, being pushed into the mire — such is his outlook on 
humanity Love he scarcely recognizes save in its purely physical 

* “ Nous arnvoaa tout de sinte Sla bSte humuae, loas 1 habit noir comme soils la 
bloofe "—Roman hxpirmeiUal, p 266 



aspcol* All nobler aspirations and emotions he regards as the lying 
inventions of writers who deceived their fellows in the dark ages 
before the dawn of Naturalism For the conflict with the evil 
in itself which every soul of the lietter kind is impelled to wage 
unceasingly he has but words of sOorn Alas * there are some of us 
whose ^^temperaments’* are less advanced, so that they cannot shaie 
his pride in the contemplation of man as the Yahoo, and might even 
see cause to regret that science should have power to multiply 
tenfold the activity ’* of a creature so foul and noisome 

Shall I show this temperament of M Zola m operation ^ His 
friend, M de Gtoftcourt, a Naturalist ” like himself, but with more 
delicate aspirations, had suggested to the younger writers of the 
school that they should take the higher classes as subjects of study, 
and so perchance produce novels of a somewhat better savour than 
have lately been current 

“ Excellent advice,” answers M Zok , but where are we to find that 
better world ^ If m e are curious, if we look through the keyholes, I 

suspect that we sh ill aeo in the higher classes exactly what we saw in the 
people, for the human inimal is^ the same e\eiy where, the garment only 
differs Such was the opinion I formerly maintained, and the echoes of the 
law courts justify me abundantly VVe who are people of mean condition 
and smill fortune, we only know the worid through the disgraceful trials that 
bre ik out every winter ” 

Whereupon, taking for text a serieife of lamentable trials, and re- 
capitulating their incidents, he asks, with honest indignation 


Shall we be told that we are liars when we relate such things in our 
no\ els ^ Will people shrug their shoulders, and declare that we do not know 
the world? Shall we be accused of taking pleasure in casting dirt upon it, 
and defaming ^t The world — this is the world when any passion agitates it, 
when some violent drama tears aside its politeness and conventions Iilth is 
it the bottom of it ” * ** 

Is this quite ^the dry, pure light of science ^ one is tempted to ask 
Are the only human documents on which any particular class 
inscribes its history the Newgate Calendar and the police reports ^ 
Can life in all its fulness — and one would fain add, in all its beauty 
— be studied only in the Divorce Court and the Old Bailey’ Is 
there nothing of noble or good that lies outside the ken of the Public 
Prosecutor ? This is what comes of pursuing scientific investigations 
through the medium of a temperament f 

Take, again, M Zola’s criticism on M Daudet M Daudet, as 
we all know, is a writer *of very singular charm There is about Mm 
a fascination of sympathetic grace and poetry and strength Jlp(^ 

* Da Roman, ** Le Roman Expenmental/’ p 284 j 

f M Zola, looking through his temperament, regards Lottes as tight 
quet foriifaet^eal*woiibngtns& About gave to /its woi^dcrg imm tha aswifi^Uet of 
La j^ance So do temperaments differ ^ 




the rugged M Zola acknowledges an influence so seductive, 
modulates the harsh tones of his voice when speaking of the life 
and works of this spoilt child of literary fortune, and like 

“ Fell Cbaiylxlu, miirmurs soft apjdanae ” 

But what does M Zola see to praise, and what to dispraise, in 
]\I Daudet’s novels ^ To us, poor Protestants that we are, anci weary 
perchance of the dreary monotone of adultery that drawls through 
nearly all French fiction — to us there came a sense of rebef in being 
introduced to a world in which some women were good and pure, and 
a few men not altogether scoundrels There as we know, 

aspects of French life which French literature seems almost of set 
purpose to ticat with a conspiracy of silence One was grateful to 
anv wntei who had the courage to break that silence One was glad 
to meet with such characters as Madame Fromont or Madame 
Ronmestan , to catch such a pretty glimpse of youth in its freshness 
and purity as may be seen lu the famtlle Joyeuse , to note how chaste 
and mhidcnly is the sad love idyll of the poor lame workwomai 
Desiree Delobelle But all this side of M Daudet’s talent is naught 
to M Zola What he has to say of IVtadame Fromont is contained 
in less than two lines , of Madame Roumestan he says nothing , of 
Desiree Delobelle he says little , while as to ihe famtlle Joyeuse, they 
are naturally the “ least successful point in the novel ” They are 
evidently not the result of •actual observation " By contrast with 
the strong colour of the things really seen, they become all pale — 
they are tainted with conventional respectability They are “ to be 
condemned from every point of view M Daudet is not to be tor- 
given for sacnficing the peccant artist, Felicia Ruys, to these 
bourgeoises, these “ dolls " Need M Zola have warned us that such 
“ objections " might 'fpossibly have been " inspired " by “ his own 
writer's temperament ? " 

But it IS the same throughout 1 could illustrate M Zola's ex- 
clusive appreciation of the coarser elements in humanity by auj 
number of examples selected almost at hazard from the volumes 
before me What else is it that induces him to regard Messrs 
Erckmaun-Chatrian as exhibiting in their novels a world all falsified 
by optimism, as presenting " an eternal lie m their pictures of thi 
soul ? * ** To what else can be attributed hia admiration for the " real 
philosophy and living style " of M Huysmans, who, “ as an observer 
not going beyond the facts, sees but the beast m man " In truth, 
nothing Qu^fies this stem Naturalist ^ he attacks the whole 
Romantic schod, as hu does again and again, it is clearly not be- 
cause their sesstiment so often nogs hollow and false, but because 

* “ Ce nu»t dc •ddnction «st le mot juste il a B4dait ees omu, s£<hiit ]<> piildii 

fccaiiit touB teux qm Tout apprdcli^ **— MomancierB Naiittra^isteB^ p 257 



they had any sentiment, any feeling, any aspirations at all He 
cannot forgive them According to him, they were alt liars* We 
have not, on this side of the Channel, been in the habit pf regard- 
ing the French stage as over-squeamj^sh It is far too sq^toamish for 
our fautor of “ Naturalism ” He cannot away with its conven- 
tions He devotes a whole volume to show that such shreds of 
reserve as it still retains ought ruthlessly to be tom away, and man 
be presented on the boards naked and unashamed 

Added to this coarseness df vision, which affects equally M Zola's 
outlook as an artist and as a cntic, there is that in him which alfects 
his outlook as ^gsritic only, and yet is of such strength as to colour 
his criticism even more powerfully perhaps than his coarseness A high 
authonty assured us some few years ago that the critics were those 
who had failed m literature and art The statement is sweeping 
There are cntics who have never even tried to succeed in either , and 
such may find comfort in the thought that the men who have suc- 
ceeded are sometimes incapacitated by their very success from also 
succeeding as critics Few indeed are the artists who can suffi- 
ciently detach themselves from their own art to be able to judge 
the art of others, the methods of others, and the aims of others, in 
ah absolutely dispassionate spirit ^ Their comprehension has a com- 
paratively narrow boundary Their sympatfiies are restricted Has 
not the author of the "Earthly Paradise ” lately told us that he feels 
no sympathetic admiration for the author ot “ Paradise Lost " and 
" Paradise Regained ’ And this one-sidedness, which in no way 
detracts from the artists’ effectiveness as artists, and is often no doubt 
a help, may very much affect the value of their critical utterftnees 
They cannot cnticize without, consciously or unconsciously, bringing 
their own productions into question M Zola is a case particularly 
in point No one can deny that he is a no|||||ist of very great power 
His strength does not exactly he where he tknks it does, as might 
be shown easily enough on due occasion , but of the strength itself 
there can be no question And it is simply as a masterful novelist, 
iiaitig his own works for universal standard and cnterion,that he sits 
in the critic’s judgment-seat 

Let me illustrate my meauing M. Zola’s style is, according to 
the punsts lu such matters, very fer from admirable It altogether 
lacks the beauty and dainty strength, the supreme charm, of the 
masters. Even a foreigner may note, in the volumes now before 
me, passages not a few m wbcb the^motaphor m jumbled, and 
the meoTiin g obscured 1)^ the lue of abstract instead of coner^ 
terjus Accordingly, M Zola seems to make light of style Wba|t 
value,” he asks, " should we attach to correctness, the obserraneoof 
rules, the perfection of the whole ? ^ere are pages, scarcely eyiSn 
* M Ctherbnliei^ in partienbr, '* li«S at hu easn,^ 

F 3 


written in French, which are superior m my eyes to the most admu- 
ably conducted works, for such pages contain a whole personality — they 
have the supreme merit of being unique and inimitable " So, too, he 
tells us m a long essay on the novel, that style is altogether a mattei 
of individuality, that “ it is possible to write badly, incorrectly, in a 
wild, harum-scarum way,” and yet take rank among the gods So 
also, he declares, it is not true that beauty alone is immortal , life 
IS more immortal still , ” and the noise which is made about forpi 
will pass ” Again, among M Zola’s giffs delicate, light wit assuredly 
finds no place He has nothing of what the French call esprit 
Accordingly, he gravely assures us that “ the man 0i genius is not 
^pmtuel , ” which is surely a strange assertion to’ come from a fcllow- 
countiyman of Voltaire Or take a much more important matter 
According to M Zola,*^^ there is not a critic in France” French 
criticism seems certainly to have passed the meridian of its palmiest 
day Still, one has seen occasionally an article by M Scherer, or 
M Tame, or M Montegut, or M Deschanel, or M Renan in a literary 
mood, or even by the younger writers of the Revue des Deux MondeHy 
as M Brunnetieie — an article that was not without merit, so that 
so sweeping an assertion excites perhaps at first a feeling of surprise 
The explanation, however, is not fjr to seek The function of the 
critic, in M Zola’s view, is to herald the advent of all new writers, 
and to proclaim their merits to the vvoild " He must study their 
temperaments, show the rare qualities which they bring with them, 
and thus educate the public, which will at last be tamed^and rendered 
tractable There can be no nobler part than to accustom the great 
multitude to the troubling splendours of genius ” But unfortunately, 
as M Zola declares sadly, theie no critic of any name or powei 
who has proved worthy of the superb mission of thus ^‘vulgarizing” 
the novels of the “l(pturalist” school M Montegut is simply 
“ made dizzy,” “ blinded ” by them, as by the sudden splendour of 
the sun M Tame, m whom the young novelists had put all their 
hopes,” has proved false, and turned out to be no more than a 
‘‘ professor ” In short, there is no critic who will set everything in 
its right place, throw back the past into the shadow, and place the 
piesei^t in a great light of truth and justice,” and because there is no 
entie who will put himself at M Zola’s point of view for the purpose 
of advertising M Zola’s art, therefore there is no critic at all 

Politicians are judged from much the same standpoint M Zola 
makes short work of them Any one,” he declares, " may become 
a Seeretary of Stt^te, if be really wish^ it— and has no genius ” 

And be professes to explain why we, the wnters, have so gre^ a 
ooutempt for politicdl^ ir « Our pride comes of this, that we 
are m the only aWlute which exists la the world, that of pure 
thought while thejare stengghng miserably m the relative of human 
things bound hand and foot by necessities of all kinds, condemned 



to acts of cunning, folly, stnd crime Now, of course one mignt 
question how far it was consistent far so positivist a personage to 
claim to be in any absolute at all But letting that pass, I doubt if 
the reason here given fully accounts for M Zola^s dislike for the 
politicians He himself seems to suggest another and a strongei 
reason, when ho savs, for instance, of Gambetta “ I am told that 
in painting and sculpture he despises our French school, and swears 
only by antiquity and the Renaissance , and likewise in literature 
that he limits his sympathy to the classics, and is thus more bourgeois 
than the bourgeqg^s M Thiers Well, that is quite enough for me 
the man is judged He is not with us, the moderns and believers 
And again he declares, even more explicitly, in an article entitled 
Drunken Slaves, in my eyes the crime of the band (of politicians) 
is unpardonable they do not love literature, and I hope that litera- 
ture will nail them to some eternal gibbet of ridicule " There is no 
critic, as we have just seen, because no writer will say the right thing 
about the " Naturalist " novels, and even so, all politicians are con- 
temptible because they refuse to read those same novels with pleasure 
and approval, and to take them as a basis for scientific legislation 
Truly wc are becoming very exclusive M Zola looks forward to a 
time when the missionaries ot our sciences — mark the royal plural 
— will go forth to interpret our gospels, our texts of truth, and 
conquer intellects I fear that in the church founded by these Hot 
Gospellers of Naturalism there will be a very short way with dissenters ” 
It is needless, perhaps, to say that in M Zola’s judgments on 
other writers the same spirit of rigid Naturalist orthodoxy 
lirevails All the Naturalist authors, without any exception, so 
far as I can see, are very great men As to the authors of the 
earlier romantic generation of 1830, they what the French call 
his black beast,^^ the wehrWolf that lurks lu the sombre places of 
his imaginatiorf He rages against them coatmually Chateau 
briand’s literary " royalty was but a disguise at which every one now^ 
smiles Yicfl^ Hugo, compared to Balzac, and again to Littre, is 
but a rhetoncian and a little man Alfred de Musset iTares better, 
because, though at starting he seemed to have draped himself in 
the romantic rags, vet now we can almost believe that he adopted 
that carnival costume in order to cast ridicule on the dishevelled 
literature of the time ** i^h^ophile Gautier was but a player upon 
words— a melodist playing a romantic air '' George Sand 

represents a dead formula— no more/' M Dumas the younger is 
only a' " hrain all beclogg^ with philosophic fumes And sa 
Nor le it to he wondered at that they all did so badly, seeing that 
Romanticism itself is a ^‘leprosy" In short, their merit, in so^&r 
as they had any, was to hasten the advent of the Realist school " 
This will be their " eternal honour " with posterity 

Now, I repeat, it is no part of my purpose to bring against 



M Zola any charge of personal arrogance^ still less of personal 
vanity All I wish to establish is, that in his cntidsm, as in his 
novels, temperament," and convictions of a fervour almost religious, 
play an altogether disproportionate part And, unfortunately, what he 
sees through temperament and prepossession he regards as seen in 
the dry light of science Hence his error In his narrowness ot 
\i$ion, he IS, as it were, the Comte de Chambord of literature 

One word in conclusion M Zola claims again and again that 
the present is his, and the future also A literature," he tells 
us, ‘^is but the product of a society At the present hour our 
democratic society is beginning to find in ‘ Naturalism Mts literary 
expression, at once magnificent and complete " Putting aside 
these adjectives as not tending to elucidation, it may perhaps be 
profitable to consider how far M Zola is right Is it true that 
Naturalism is a form of literature that will more and more commend 
itself to democracy ? Naturalism, as preached by M Zola, means 
an insistence on the coarser and more animal elements in human 
nature He himself is constrained to admit that there are certain 
things which it is impossible to put into print " But what he is too 
squeamish to print to-day, others will glory in printing to-morrow, 
and an ever-widening circle of coarseness must be the result This 
IS what Naturalism means as to subject As to style, it means 
rough, irregular power — crude, strong, gaudy colours in the pictures 
of life, and much hard hitting in controversy, everywhere a tone of 
exaggeration and violence It is a literary system in which there is 
no room for beauty, or grace, or. elegance, or distinction , a garden 
in which the fine flower of perfectness would be looked upon only as 
i withered weed Now, can it be truly said that there is nothing 
here calculated to appenl to the culture of the uncultivated ^ 

But if it were ra$h to assert that M Zola, by vulgarizing litera- 
ture, will not be able^o reach lower strata of readers,'" we mayi^at least 
constantly affirm that his claim to be in possession of the future is 
no more than an ill and an idle dieam Let us gl*ant that man 
has been developed from the brute Let us grant that there is a 
varying proportion of the brute still left in him But if there be 
one thing clearer than another in his obscure history, it is that the 
course of his development has led him gradually and ever more and 
more to emancipate himself from the brute, and to conquer his full 
manhood This is what civilization means This is what morality 
means This is the edifice which Christianity would crown with its 
sublime ideals Here lie our hopes for the future of the race " And 
M Zola, so far from marching, as he fondly imagines, in the 
advanced guard of human progress, is really loitering behind, and 
finding the while only too much pleasure in the companionship of 
laggards, malingerers, and camp«followers of the less reputable type 

Prank T Mabzials 


O NE result of the fierce and constant competition of the pi'esent , 
day has been the development of an exceeding sensitiveness m 
every class of business with regard to very small details of profit and 
loss The larger the business, the more important, iii a certain sense, 

IS the effect of such details 

The bearing of this upon railway business has been twofold 
On the one hand, the railway companies have lost no opportunity 
of extending their operations, even when the resulting profit has 
been such as would to the eye of the umnformed public appear to be 
microscopic On the otHer hand, bitter, loud, and frequent has been 
the outcry which has come from a great vanetv of trades and indus- 
tries, complaining of their treatment by railway companies 

These complaints have not, as a rule, had any reference to the 
manner in which the services of the railways have been performed, 
for in pftnt of efficiency our English railways would be very difficult 
to surpass 

But before the Select Committee of the House of Commons (com- 
monly called Mr Ashley’s Committee) which finally reported in 1882, 
after taking evidence during two sessions of Parliament, there were 
many expressions of the dissatisfactmn which has been the ground of 
these complaints 

No one who reads that evidence wOnld deny that the dissatisfaction 
IS well foun4ed, and that some remedy is really needed 

By /ar the loudest and most general complamt is that which is 
ditected against the low rates charged by railways upon imported or 
exported goods, as compared with higher rates charged by them i^n 
arhcles produced in this country for home consumption 
’ The reiteration of this complaint has been more constant in the case 


of the agnculturibts than in that of any other classes, but this ma\ 
be to some extent accounted for by the fact that the low prices of im- 
ported foreign food affect more prejudicially that class than any other 
and that food bears a \eij large proportion to our other ipiports 
On the othei hand, the agriculturist is also seriously affected bj 
tlir cost ot moving an important part of las raw material (vi/ , feed 
iiig stuffs for stock and manures), as well as bv the cost of sending 
Jjis own pioducc to a profitable market 

But it IS by no means for agriculturists alone that this question of 
1 111 way rates has a vital interest, for in many branches of industry, 
and particularly in those in which operations are upon a large scale, a 
v( rv slight increase in the cost of movement either of raw material 
or of produce may swallow up all anticipated profit, and practically 
‘^!ult out the manufacture! from important markets 

At the same time, it must be boine in mind that most classes of 
men are at first sight icidy to believe that they are being unfaiilv 
dealt with by otliers This tendency it is more ditfieiilt to counteract 
in proportion as the conditions of mutual accommodation aic impei- 
fectly understood 

It seems, therefore, worth while to endeavoui to pi icc before tliost 
who are interested in this question some of the conditions of the verv 
intiicatc problem of the settlement of railway rates 

This IS of course only a small part of tin verv wide question of rail- 
way policy, but it IS a vciy important part, and one upon which 
there seems to be good giound for thinking that much less benefit is 
to be obtained by legislation than is generally sujiposcd and hripcd 
for from that source by the public Nor is it at all improbable that 
the direction of legislation, m order that it miy be beiieheial, 
will be required to be very diflerent from what has gcueiallj been 

It may be well at the outset to state that the writer ot this paper 
has no interest whatever in any railway in the world, and that his 
conclusions are the result of a brief, but, while it lasted, an assiduous, 
study jf the subject in eonnection with the Railway and Canal Trafhc 
Bill brought in by Mr Mundella in ]\Tarch 1880 , and read a second 
time in May Onq object of the paper is to discourage the indul- 
gence of hopes destined to be frustrated, and to turn tlie attention of 
those who are anxious to remedy the evils of which they feel the 
effects in a direction in which efforts are more likely to bring good 

The Bill which has been mentioned was, as was stated by Mr 
Mundella in the House of Commons, to a great extent basecl upon 
one prepared by his predecessor at the Board of Trade , but it 
(ontauied important additions and alterations, some of whuh at first 
were much criticized, but may, it is hoped, by the consideration 



of what follows be rendered more acceptable in proportion as their 
puiposc and intention become better understood 

A second object of this paper, therefore, is to remove objections 
to which an impel feet acquaintance with the subject has already 
given rise, and which may be expected to reappear if the Govern- 
ment^ as IS expected, repeat the endeavour to pass a measure of 
railway legislation 

Much information may be derived from the reports of Mr 
Ashlev^s Select Committee in 1881 and 1882, and from two articles 
by Sir Thomas Parrer — one in the Qttaf te) ly Review, vol exxv > 
p 287, 1868, and another in the Foibuyhtly Renew, vol xxxn 
New Series, 1882 The report presented by Sir B Samuelson, 
M P , 1’ 11 S , to the President of the Association of the Chambers ot 
Commerce of the United Kingdom on the llailwav Goods Tariffs of 
Germany, Belgium, and Holland, is Well worth leading And no 
one who wishes to go thoroughly into the question shoutd neglect 
to lead Railway Transportation, its History and its Laws,'^ bv 
Arthur T Hadley (New York, 1886) ^ 

Pirst of all, it IS most import iiit to recognise that the railway 
interest and the public interest ought to be considered, and, as far as 
possible, treated as identical 

This does not mean that in every respect the railway shareholder 
(still less the lailway director) for the time being is likely to regard 
the question of rites from /he same point of view as the producer 
or the consumer of liome oi foreign goods But the public interest 
IS a much wider and a much more enduring interest than that of 
any pioducc^ eonsumei, directoi, or shareholdei And it is in this 
sense that it is of the first importance to consider the identity ot the 
public interest and the railway interest as a condition of the problem 
It IS, however, certainly at the present time true ♦that the 
prosperity of the railways is essential to the public convenience and 
to the development of trade Nor should those who are specially 
interested m railways need to be informed that to develop trade and 
to consult the comfort and conveDicnce of the public must be their 
first object, and that only by the pursuit of these objects can they 
hope to reach secure, and therefore jicrmanent, prosperity 

It will be well here to enumerate a few of the spfecial points to 
which attention ought to be directed m any practical consideration 
of this subject for instance, the magnitude of the capital invested, 
the special circumstances and character of the investment, the 
differenu charges which have to be met, the nature of the monopoly 
and the nature of the competition, the conditions of the traffic and 
its relations to other forms of trade, the various complaints and 
remedial proposals which have been made, and those which have, 
either after experience or as the result of discussion, been, abandoned 


It may not be possible in this paper to deal separately with each and 
all of these points, but every one of them has distinct reference to 
the issue 

One of the most practically important characteristics of lailway 
undertakings, andvthereforc of the railway interest as a whole, is 
the magnitude of the investment It is supposed to exceed con- 
sidciably our national debt This magnitude has of itself a special 
cflect upon the relation of railway enterprise to other branches of 
commerce, foi ^hen once the capital is invested, not only can it 
never be withdrawn or contracted, ^ut it constantly tends to increase, 
and constant expenditure is required to prevent its destruction 
And the success of the undertaking depends entirely on the well- 
being of other and wholly distinct forms of commercial activity 
Therefore railway companies are specially sensitive to depressions and 
stagnation of trade, and arc specially interested in promoting the circu- 
lation of that which brings them the traffic, which is their life-blood 

The blood in their veins cannot accelerate its circulation till the 
acceleration^ has commenced outside in other veins, nor, on the 
other hand, can anything stop circulation in then veins but their 
own ill-health or stagiiation outside them 

Now, the first charge upon the revenue of every railway is an 
unvarying, or at any rate an undimmishing sum — viz , the interest 
upon the capital, to the magnitude of which attention has been 
drawn The capital itself is represented chiefly by the permanent 
wa}, the rolling stock, and the station buildings and appurtenances, 
though these are by no means the only objects in which it is 
expended The interest upon this capital is a fixed chSrgc 

But besides this, there are other charges so constant as to merit 
inclusion with the interest of expended capital under the name of 
fixed charges These are chiefly such as reconstruction, replacement, 
repair, and the payment of an immense stafP both for supcimtendence 
ind labour These charges vary so slowly and so slightly that, 
although they are not actually invanable, they may be for all 
practical purposes regarded as if they were fixed charges A 
separate class of charges consists of those which are more imme- 
diately dependent on the amount of traffic, and which, consequently, 
bring with them a certain amount of remuneration These are 
the cost of movement or transfer from point to point on the railway 
system, and the charges connected with collection, loading, covering, 
unloading, and delivery — all of which are grouped under the name 
of terminals ^ 

It IS of course clear that, although each of these classes of 
expenses are from the railway point of view constant, yet they 
cannot always hear the same proportion to each other or to the 
total Fortin some rates the cost of movement, in other rates the 



teiminal services, maybe the most important, and m some each mav 
represent hardly any appreciable %ost to the company , while m all 
cases the fixed charges are a portion of the current expenses, which 
form in a certain sense part of the cost of service, and all these 
charges at all times have to be met 

Meanwhile, as has been said, the circumstances of rail vi ay busi- 
ness do not permit very elastic administration 

A railway, therefore, while it has the advantages which accrue 
from a monopoly both legal and natural, has also certain disad- 
vantages which are inalienable frfJm its position , and if the net 
result be a loss, the loss would be felt not only by the railway 
company, but vciy se\erely bv the communitv at large It will, 
then, probably be admitted that, in the mteicst ot the public, the 
efticient maintenance of the railway is the first point to be secured 
The railway company must be trusted to know at any ^rate its 
own interest, and it cannot be said to be of any serious im'portance 
to the public from what sources the constant charges above 
mentioned are severally met by the railway company, provided that 
no undue preference be shown to the disadvantage ot particular 

That IS to say, it is of no real importance to the public — (1) that 
tliC fixed chaiges should an all rates bear the same proportion to the 
cost of mbvement , nor (2) that the cost of movement should be paid 
for by a mileage late , nor (3) that terminal charges should be 
HI iform upon all classes of goods at all stations 

And yet in some of the complaints made against the railways it 
would almost seem to be implied that the public had an interest in 
the apportionment by a railwav company of certain of the charges it 
has to meet upon certain branches of the traffic, from which spring 
the general net receipts which aro the source of its*revenne 

For this reason it may be well to state at once that there are 
certain classes of goods, the contents of which could not be made to 
pav a share of all of those charges, equal to what is easily borne by 
other classes, without great inconvenience to the public 

As j. rough guide to the discrimination between classes of goods 
in this respect, it may be taken as generally true that the ability to 
bear high charges falls with the value of the goods carried 

It costs a railway very little more,or less to convey a ton of coal ui 
iron than to convey a ton of silk , but the disturbance of trade created 
by forcing railway companies to carry silk andr coal at the same 
rate would be very seiious For the Com||aratively higher rate 
charged upon silk is paid without injury to trade, the amount of silk 
conveyed being trifling in companson with the amount of coal^ and 
the rate is repaid to the trader by the consumer in the price of silk 
goods, bearing, as it does, an insignificant proportion to the intnnsic 



value of the floods But any lucreaso id the charge upon coal would 
aflect \asth hrger interests, and re act seriously upon many trades, 
to tlie manifest injury of the general public, coal being of small 
intrinsic \alue, and the rate for conveyance bearing therefore a 
largei proportion to that \aluc than is the case with silk 

'J1ic abme consideiations suffice to show that the relations of 
niluay traffic to the various otBer forms of trade arc complicated 
and peculiar 

It must further be borne m mind that the system of rating or 
hMijg the \aiioiis proportions df charge to be levied on different 
classes of goods must be based upon some definite general 

Tliere appear to be tno general principles, one or the other of 
which must be adopted and adhered to as the fundamental principle, 
inasmuch as they are distinct and almost mutually exclusive Lithcr 
^(1) the Chaiges must be based upon cost of scrvice,^^ which must 
include fixed charges, cost of movement, and terminals, or (2) the 
ch iigcs must vary with the circumstances of the traffic, and must be 
based upon wliat the traffic will bear 

It IS true that it may be possible to interlace these principles to 
some slight extent, but cither one or the other must be taken as the 
guiding principle, the application of whicli^nay perhaps be modified 
by the operation of the other Whichever is the guiding principle 
will be found m every rate 

If the ^^cost of service^’ be the principle adopted, and if 
eeiualizatiou be insisted upon, so that cveiy rate is to bear its part of 
ill the charges upon the company, theie seems to be no escape from 
“ equal mileage rates , that is to say, that every consignment of 
goods or every passenger must be charged simply according to 
distance, with the addition of the terminal services required 

And at farst sight, no doubt, this may appear to be the right basis 
Many persons are found to urge that legislation ought to impose 
this principle upon the railways 

But by one after another of the Commissions and Committees 
which have investigated this subject, this principle, in spite of all that 
has been said in its favour by many witnesses, has been abandoned, 
on the express ground that it would be in the interest neither of tlic 
public nor of the railways The following are the reasons quoted 
in the Report of Mr Ashlcy^s Committee from that of the Select 
Committee of the Jlouse of Lords ot 1872, in which that Committee 
endorsed the conclusion of the Royal Commission of 1867 — 

“ (a) It would prevent railway companies from lowering their fares and 
rates so as to compete with tnffio by sea, by cm il, or by a shoiter or other - 
^l^e cheaper railway, and would thus dcpu\« the public ot the benefit ot 
competition and the company of a legitimate soiiicc of proht 



‘(/;) It would prevent riilwa} companies irora miking peiiectly liii 
irringementa for carrying it a lower rate than usual goot^s broiiglit m larger 
ind constant quantities, or lor carrying ^or long distances at a lowci rate tlnn 
lor short distances 

It would compel a comp my to carry over i line which has been 
very expensive m construction, or which, fiom gradients oi otherwise, is very 
expensive in working, it the same rite at which it carries over loss experi'-ive 

In short, to impose equal mile ige on the compaTlle^ would be to deprive the 
pubhe o£ the benefit of much of the competition which exists oi lias existed, 
to raise the ch irges on the public m many i ist s A\h''i( the companies now find 
it then inteiest to lower them, irid to pcrpetuati monopolies in tarnige, 
trade, ind rnanufactuie in favoui ol those iitcs ind places which arc nearest 
or le ist expensive, whe n the varying charge of the companies now create s 
competition And it will be foun<l tint the supporteis oi eepiil mileage, when 
pi cssed, often rt illy mean, not that the rites they piv themselves iie too 
high, but that the rates others pay are too low * 

If, then, the principle that each class of goods is to be charged 
accoidmg to the distance over which it is cairied be surrendered, it# 
IS clear that each class of goods caimot be made to pay a dohnite 
pioportion either of the fixed charges, or of the cost of movement, 
and therefore it is impossible to base the system ot rating upon 
‘‘cost of service as a fundaraenttil principle to be recognized 

But if the “cost of service” cuinot be taken as the fundament il 
principle which is not to be lost sight ot in making any rate, and if 
it IS the interest ot the public that the railways should prosper, no 
alternative remains but to let the railways manage their own aBairs, 
and apply their own knowledge gamed by experience in the applica- 
tion of the other principle — viz , what the traffic will bear 

And this 18 tlie conclusion which was come to by Mr Ashltv’s 
Committee, after a very careful consideration ot the question in all its 
bearings They sum up their remarks on this point in these 
words “Your Committee cannot recommend any new legislative 
interference for the purpose ot enforcing upon railway companies 
equality of charge In another place the same Committee use even 
a stronger phrase — viz , “ It may therefore be assumed that some ot 
the inequalities of charges complained of arc to the advantage rather 
than to the disadvantage of the public 

But it IS in the application of this principle that numerous compli- 
cations enter into the question, from which apparently certain 
erroneous impressions have been derived 

There exists, for instance, in the minds of some persons an impres- 
Sion that because some traders are charged less than an average for 
freight, theiejore others of necessity are compelled to pay more than 
they would be charged if the said low rate had not been given , m 
other words, that some pay more in ordei that others may pay less 



It IS assumed that when goods of any class are carried at Idss than 
the actual average cost of moving such goods, the railway company 
must be a loser by carrying them But this is not so 

To take the commonest and simplest case when trucks have to be 
returned full or empty, it is mOre profitable to railways to run them 
full than to run them empty, provided that the rates paid are 
siifBcicnt to cover the difference between njoving them full and mov- 
ing them empty, together with the expense of filling and emptying 
them And aiiv business obtained at these rates by the railway 
will tend to relieve the rates for which the trucks were run out, m 
consequence of the charge for the run home being to some extent 
borne by the lates for the goods in the return trucks, although, m 
consequence perhaps of competition, the onlv rate obtainable for them 
m ly be far below the average cost of moving such goods 

Therefore the effect of the low rate in this instance is to relieve 
ijboth the railway and the goods upon which the charge for the return 
journey would otherwise have fallen — vi/ , the goods with which the 
trucks were run out 

Another erroneous impression which seems to be pievalent is, the 
assumption that through traffic and local traffic ought to be dealt 
with on the same terms 

But in many if not most of the British railways at any rate, 
the through traffic between large centres of trade is subject to compe- 
tition, and at the same time is of such volume that even a share of it 
may he extremely important as a source of revenue 

It is obviously in the public interest that the force of competition 
should, wherever it is brought to bear, be allowed to have its full 
effect And it would not be difficult to show, by an argument 
analogous to that used in the instance of return trucks, that it is an 
advantage to the local trader that the railway on which he depends 
should be able to secure the through traffic by favourable through 
rates, so that it may not be forced to rely solely upon the local traffic 
For instance, the traffic from Liverpool to London is of sufficient 
cf nstancy and volume to be an object of competition to rival railways 
and steamship companies , and the Joss by any railway company of its 
whole share of this traffic, in consequence of being crippled in com- 
petition by regulations as to rating, would tend to increase the burden 
which would then have to be distributed over the local traffic, but 
which the through rates, low though they may be m companson, at 
present, to say the least, give help to bear 

Again, a through rate over the whole or a portion of the lines of 
one company may be an important portion of a rate for a long 
through route, extending over a distance covered by several companies 
not necessarily in competition with each other Such through routes 
and rates are often needed in order to forward trade by eQonomy of 



time and labour jn the public interest , encouragement being guca 
by their means to the use of the shortest route ^ 

The fact is, that the public interest renders it ne'cessary that tlic 
railways shall be allowed to meet cofiipetition where it exists b\r 
lowering their rates, and by t&is and other means to foster trade lu 
their own districts They must be trusted to look after iheir own 
business, which, as has been already said, can only succeed, by meet- 
ing the public wants The monopoly which is so often spoken of as 
to have assumed much larger proportions than it really has, is not so 
complete as to permit any considerable railway to boast that it is not 
subject in some part of its business to severe competition m the 
matter of through tiaffic 

The local traffic, on the other hand, is subject to a different set of 
conditions In the first place, it is m proportion more expensive than 
through traffic in respect of cost of service The loci\l staff has to 
be maintained, roughly speaking, at a uniform minimum strength^ 
their hands may be full of work or may be often idle, but their 
number cannot be reduced , nor can tlie accommodation in sidings, 
goods stations, and so forth, be diminished , and all of these are 
sources of constant expenditure for maintenance The collection 
and delivery en rouU of local goods arc, in proportion to their value, 
more expensive than the starting, runuing, and arrival of through 

Per rontia, the local traffic being on a smaller scale and less con- 
stant, IS more sensitive to overcharge , and it is the interest of the 
lailwav to endeaxour to encourage local traffic, because the develop- 
ment of it both adds to the through traffic and tends to widen the 
field for the normal rates 

As a matter of fact, it is for the most part true that the maximum 
rates allowed by Act of Parliament are rarely approached, even for 
local traffic 

A most important and instructive example of the operation of the 
motives which have been explained is given by Mr Hadley on 
pp 116, 117 of the book above referred to 

It was proved by practical experience that it was in the interest, 
not only of a railway, but of two different sets of traders in the 
same article, who used the railway, that that set of traders whose 
goods travelled the longer distance should pay less than the other 
set of traders whose goods travelled a shorter distance over the 
same Kne All the parties concerned agreed to that arrangement 
as the most profitable to each under the circumstances Analogous 
cases may be found m many other places 

Sir Thomas H Farrer also gives a good illustration from German 
experience, in which the result of the establishment of through rates, 
calculated on the same basis as the local rates, was the total loss to 



the railway of the tliiough traffic, which was thereby immediately 
diverted to a water route And we m England have sea routes 
available on all sides 

The argument, so far, has been base^ji upon the effect of the rates 
upon railway bu^sincss 

Hut there is another point of great importance to home producers, 
and tspceially to local tiaders, which is brought out in the evidence 
ijnen before Mr Ashley^s Committee 

The importation of foreign food is mainly for the population of 
our great centres, such as the black country and the metropolis 
In consequence of the through rates it now goes there direct from 
the ports But if these through rates were not given, the importa- 
tions from abroad, instead of going direct to the centres of 
population, would, on arrival at the ports of importation, remain 
there for distiibution in those districts which at present feed the 
ports, instead of being fed by them 

Consequently, the interest of our agiiculturists is rather to allow 
the progress of that food, the importation of which they cannot 
pi event, to be as direct and rapid as possible towaids its destination, 
and to encourage the acquisition of that tiaffic, if it must cvist, l)y 
whatever railway they themselves are interested in, instead of 
attempting to arrest its progress from the ports through the country, 
and thus risk the spoiling of their nearest markets, besides spoiling 
the business of their nearest railway 

It would be unwise even to insist that the through rate shall Hot 
be lower than the rate for any shorter distance 

An excellent illustration of this can be derived from the 
L &SWB, and the GW 11, both of which railways go from 
London to Exeter, the GWR being twenty-five miles longei than 
Its iival Competition for the Exeter traffic renders it necessary 
that the G \V II should make its Exeter rate no greater than the 
L & S W ll Exeter rate If the limit above mentibaed were made 
compulsory, as is often urged by complainants against inequality, the 
I'esult would be that the G W B would be forced to be content with 
lower average rates throughout than the L & S W R , but with a 
longer line to maintain 

There appears, however, to be one rule which may fairly be insisted 
upon in defence (to adopt for a moment the language of a Protec* 
tionist) of the home producer from excessive foreign competition 
It does not seem too much to demand that similar goods, siifiilarly 
packed, in sumilar quantities, and m every respect without exception 
requiring similar service, should be conveyed at similar rates over 
the same portion of a line or the same route, without regard to the 
country of origin 

But if the terms of this demand be carefully considered, it 



will not be found that very much is gained by it for the local trader 
or the agricultural freighter, tor it would mean that he must 
conform precisely to the conditions under which importers get their 
through rate m order to be able to claim similar advantages Th<^t 
something, however, would be gained is apparent from the following 
facts, given before Mr Ashley's Committee (answers 1021 sqq , 1881) 

“ The rate for foreign cattle from Newcastle to Manchester is £2 49 , for 

English £J 7s per small waggon, and corresponding difference for large 

“ The sheep rates are — for foreign sheep £2 4? Zd , for English £2 lis , m a 
small waggon , £2 3d and £3 59 respectively in a large ont 

For seven imported cattle, carriage from Newcastle to Wakefield would 
be £1 lU 6d , for seven English, in i similar wiggon, £2 12s 

“ The foreign cattle are placed m the through 1 is»t trams, whereas this 
'iccomiiiodation is refused to home stock ** 

Other instances might be quoted 

It would be diflScult for the railways to show that these do not 
amount to undue preference, and this burden of proof Mr Mundella 
in his bill proposed to place upon them 

The arguments given above have been by some (e q , by Mr J 
Buckingham Pope m Railway Rates and Radical Rule, 188 1 
regarded as simply “ railway " arguments , and in Mr Pope's book — 
which, by the way, is written specially for electors " — Sir Thomas 

Farrcr is much taken to task for having adopted this line of argu- 
ment before the Committee, and in one of the articles above referred 
to A passage is cited from Mr Barclay's draft Report submitted 
to the Committee, which embodies the essence of what may fairly be 
called the anti-railway argument, as follows — 

The business of a railway is to carry traffic, and when, by carrying it 
at an unremunerative rite (tint is, offering a bounty), or by charging exces- 
sive latcs (tint IS, imposing a tax), a railway company diverts traffic or pro- 
duction from the natural ind consequently the cheapest channels, it must 
thereby increase the general cost of commodities to the consumer ” 

It IS curious, and so far satisfactory, that the complaint here is 
ostensibly directed against the raising of prices of commodities by 
one who was pleading the cause of the agriculturist 

But the paragraph cited Contains a petitio prtncipti, the nature of 
which it was partly the object of this article to expose — ^viz , that 
the low through rates must be unremiiuerative, and the local rates 

No one denies that the railway companies, like all other com- 
panies, are often obliged to make sacrifices to meet^ competition 
the plea is, that these sacrihces are beneficial and not detrimental, 
either to the general public or in the long run to the railways, and 
that they tend to lower rates all round, ratiiter than to raise them 





Up to this point our attention has necn occupied with rates 
charged to covet the fixed charges and the cost of movement, and it 
has been contended that, in the interest neither of the public nor of 
the rail wavs ought uniformity to be insisted upon by legislation 
There is another entirely distinct class of rates, to which rcfeience 
Ins btrii made, and to which careful attention is not less required 
It will again be pleaded that umtormity imposed by legislation is 
not the right reraedv for the evils complained of 

The cost of collection, loading, covciing, unloading, and deliver- 
ing which are tJic chief items included under the determination of 
terminals/^ falls upon the railways for most descriptions of freight 
The disputes that have arisen over this class Of rates, owe then 
oiigm chiefiv to the fact, that m the earlier legislation concerning 
railways the functions they had to perform were expected to be 
\ery different fiom what they have since become 

Tliej ire now practically carriers, but they were originally regarded 
meicly as owners of permanent way 

The transition hasbten gradual, and now it is shown by successive 
Vets as they are passed that the rccognitiou of charges for the ser- 
vices incidental to the work of earners is necessary 

There can be little doubt that for all parties it is dcsiiable that 
terminal charges should be cleaily distinguished from the othei rates, 
and clearly classified and legalized That this is so m the case of 
the binallei traders and agricultuiists needs no demonstration, for 
they have not as a rule suflicient hands to devote to these services 
at a distance from their workshops and homesteads, without loss of 
time and labour Whereas the railway company, in undertaking 
these services upon its own premises, is only performing part of the 
functions for which it is specially intended 

While, however, these functions can be most cheaply and adequately 
])erfoTmed ^s a rule by the railway companies, and ought to be paid 
foi on a public, intelligible, and legally recognized classification, there 
is, on the other hand, nothing contrary to public policy in permitting 
railway companies to make special terms with wholesale traders or 
local associations, by whom cithei greater or smaller services are 
required with Either greater or less regularity 

There may be some ground for the claim on the part of the 
companies to be allowed to distinguish between station and 
handling terminals , but to the general public it does not 
much matter whether this distinction is or is not legalized It is 
obvious that Ae services rendered for diflfere4t cla«iscs of goods, and 
for the same classes of goods at different stations, differ widely 
What is really requisite is, that the public should know clearly before- 
hand what services they tan obtain, and what they wiU have to pay 



for them , and wheiever special ^ates, whether high or low, are 
given or charged, the justification for the exception ought to be made 
public without any necessity for recourse to litigatten 

This very desirable pubhcitv was one of the results which migh.'^ 
have been anticip'^ted if clauses 24 and 28 of Mr Mundella^s llill 
had become law, providing for classification and publication of rates 
and charges, and for *the publication of reports upon i omplaints, and 
the adjustment of them, thiough the action of the Board of Trade 
sine olid solemmtate , or, at any late, without all the expense and 
ceremony attendant upon litigation 

Eefcreiicc was made early in this papei to the prictical effect of 
the magnitude ot the capital involved^ in lailway enterprise IVo 
other practical effects, due partly to the same cause, arc seen in (1) 
the power with which, as with the vis ineitue of a gicat mass, the rail- 
way companies are able to resist attack by litigation, and (i) the 
consequent iinmunitv with which they have been able to make too 
free with diflcrential, prciercntial, and, it is to be ft ared, secret and 
lirivate lates 

J^iibheity, as*far as it can be obtained, will go far to bieak down 
this abuse of the advantage the companies must alwavs to some 
extent possess from the leugth of their purses , but more by far 
will be achieved bv curtuhng the power ol appcil, and by diminishing 
the dilBculties caused by tlic expenses of litigation 

Towards the attainment of the 1 ist-namcd ob]cct a most important 
step will have been gatticd when locus standi has been given to local 
authorities and associations, and chambers of commerce and agri- 
culture By this piovision a coiporate purse will be substituted for 
a private purse, and public opinion will be aroused to support local 
claims And a yet further step of hardly less importance towards 
the same end is the mobilization of the llailway Commission as a 
court ot record 

It is much to be hope«p 5 [q ^one of the proposals above referred 
to will be allowed to drfioop/ of the Railway Trathc Bill when it is 
again brought forward, §no while less alarm may be stirred up 
among railway shareholders, less piejudice against railway companies 
mav exist in the i ublic mind 

There are several other very im'jportant points which were aimed 
at in the last and with which the next Bill will of necessity have to 

deal It has not been thought necessary, nor would spq^ 

to deal with them m this paper, as they are not 

general interest, and have not yet met with such \ 

Meanwhile, agreement has nearly been arrived at upo"^ N 

can be done, and the earlier that is done the I ^ all 

j ’ at Mr car 

concerned / 


G 2 



VERY sensible advocate of Home Rule for Ireland must feel 
grateful to Professor Dicey for the “case” which he has made 
out against that policy It is refreshing, in the* first place^ to 
eucoiinter m so heated a controversy a disputant who never loses his 
tempi r, nevei calls his opponents names, never takes a paltry advan* 
tage, IS uniformly courteous, strives to be scrupulously fair, and 
who IS evidently less set on defending a foregone conclusion than on 
defeating what he believes to be a dangerous experiment in politics 
These are great merits, but they are not the only merits of Professor 
Dieey's volume The chief value of his book lies in the fact that it 
IS an exhaustive summiug*up, vigorously written and lucidly arranged, 
of the case against Home Rule A Home Ruler must feel, when he 
has read it, that he knows the worst that can be said against him 
And that is an immense relief It is also a gieat advantage m 
another way For if such a champion as Professor Dicey has failed 
to destroy the case which he has assailed, that case may fairly be re- 
garded as triumphant A more formidable antagonist is not likely 
to appear in the arena And this is the estimate which the opponents 
of Home Rule in the press and on the platform have formed of Pro- 
fessor Dicey’s “ Case against Home Rule ” Their ablest organs have 
saluted it as an unanswerable summary of their thoughts and reason- 
ing A book which wins such encomiums as this from the Spectator 
an^^, ’/‘ynals, and from Lord Selborne among lawyers, may well be 
^ndlmg ig strongest argument that has yet been offered, or is 
nuch mattei^^^grg^^ against Home Rule 

j obvious that fcjjg opponents of Home Rule prudent in going into 
tie same V 

* V 1 , Jase agsmst Home Rule ’’ By A V Dioaj , B 0 L , LL D , Vmenan 
ProfesS Law la the UniTereity of Oxford London Alurray 1886 

At service \ 



raptures over Pi olessor Dicey ^8 book^ Let it be assumed, for the 
sake of argument, that he has destroyed the case for Home Rule 
Has he not destroyed much else besides ^ What becomes of the case 
of the “ Unionists/^ whether Liberal or Tory, if Professor Dircy^s 
argument is to hold the field ? Professor Dicey is certainly logical, 
from his own point of \iew He is not afraid to face the conclusion 
to which his reasoning inevitably leads He sees plainly that the 
alternative to Home Rule is the maintenance of the present system 
of Irish Government , administered, indeed, more humanely, more 
justly, more intelligently and firmly, and supplemented by a solution 
of the agrarian problem , but the same system still, unless it can be 
altered^ — which Professoi Diccy thinks desirable — in the direction of 
the Flench system, in the direction, that is, of more centralization 
and less self-government Not only does he hold, with the firmest 
conviction, that any scheme of Home Rule m Ireland involves 
dangerous, if not fatal innovations on the constitution of Great 
Biitain,^" he is equally convinced (1) that Ireland possesses none 
of the conditions necessary for “ local self government , ” (2) 
that the lush could not be induced to accept any such boon in 
answer to then demand for Home Rule JIis oun view is, that in 
Iicland, as in France, an honest centralized administration of 
impartial officials, and not local self-government, would best meet 
the real wants of the people * lie is therefore a “ supporter of 
things as they are ^ 

On the other hand, all the opponents of Home Rule I’^^ryfkinAfgnt 
or out of it — with the distinguished exceptions, as far of 

Professor Diccy and Mr Justice Stephen — considclr tj J some 
extension of local self-government in Ireland is both dSsL^ble and 
inevitable There is much difference among them as to method, 
time, subject-matter, and limits of local government , but all start 
with the assumption that some kind of self-government must be 
granted to Ireland Lord Hartington is of opinion that it is 
desirable for Irishmen that local institutions of self-government such 
as are possessed in England and Scotland, and such as we hope to give 
m the next Session in a greater extent to England and Scotland, 
should also Be extended to Ireland He would not shrink from a 
great and bold reconstruction of the Irish Governments^ And 
instead of thinking, with Professor Dicey, that an honest centralized 
administration of impartial officials, and not local self-government, 
would best meet the wants of the people," he ''would not be disposed 
to deny " that Irish administration is at present too centralized m 
Dublin "t 

Mr Shaw-Lefevre has informed the public t ^bat Mr Chamber- 

* Pp 26-31, 134, 137-8, 279, 288 + Speech in Belfast, Nov 6, 1885 

i Speech at Manchester, May 7> 1886 



lam^^ m June IBS’! “proposed to the Cabinet a scheme for a 
National Council foi Ireland His National Council was to 

consist of two orders/^ was to embrace all Ireland, “ and Ulster was 
not to have a separate Council Mr Chambeilam has also advocated 
Mr Butt's Home Rule scheme, * the American s)stem of State 
T egis] ituics,1 and the form of Home Rule which prevails in the local 
Legislatures of the Canadian Dominion J 

Sii George Trevelyan has proposed ‘ a fieely-elected bodj/^ to 
which he would commit “the charge of the higher and the middle- 
class education of the country All public funds, all payments from 
the Exchequer on behalf of education, should be placed lu the hands 
of this body Whatever moie was wanted should be raised by internal 
lush taxation, which this elective board should levy at its will, the 
State interfering only so far as to sec that the system of taxation was 
fair and just to all classes '' He “ would have no officio Govern- 
ment members '' To these elective boards he would also hand over 
“ Government loans and grants to publie bodies oi to individuals , 
bridges and roads, and asylums , even tlie administration ot the poor- 
rates and the sjstem of poor relief'^ 

Lord Selbornc, too, who has pronounced a public culogium on 
Professor Dicey's book, was one of a Cabinet whieh certainly intended 
to grant a considerable extension of local self-gov ci ament to Ireland 
Mr Goschen also, I believe, has cxpiessed himself in the same 

senv^ ^ 

Dic^*^ ^ opposed to Home Rule, he is also opposed 

to t^ ,.^^ ious and mutually destructive schemes A coutiover- 
rcapccts the laws of logic cannot take as much of an 
suits Ins convenience he must take it entire or Icav e it 
lofessoi Dicey's book is good against the policy of Home 
Rule, it is also good against the policy of the Ijiberal Unionists 
Home Rulers may fling it at their heads with as much justice as they 
have been flinging it at the heads of the Home Rulers 

But what of the Conservative party ^ In Ins speech on the 
Address last September Lord Randolph Churchill declared that “ the 
great sign-posts ot the policy" of the Government w?re “ equality, 
nmilarity, and simultaneity of treatment, as far as practicable, in tlie 
development of a genuinely popular system of local goverAment m 
all the four countries which form the United Kingdom " § On this 
Professor Dicey observes 

^^e a 

*^^j^giound, then, can the Liberal Unionists claim Piofessor 

alone ^ 


“ The true watchwords which should guide English democrats in their 
deiliiiga with Ireland, as in tiuth with every other part ol the United 

Letter in Daily Nevg of May 17, 18SG 
t bpcech on lirst reading of Mr Gladstone s Home Ilule Bill 
X Speech on second reading of Mr Cdadstone s Home Rule BilL 
§ Hansard, vol 308, p 132 



Kingdom, are not ‘equality,* ‘similarity,^ and ‘simultaneity*, but ‘uiiitj of 
government,’ ‘ equihty of political rights,* ‘ diversity of institutions * ** * 

Professor Dicey gives reasons for this opinion, ivhich appear to me 
to be valid 

Lord Salisbury has never, as far as I know, evpounded his views at 
length on the question of Irish government, but his Newport speech 
shows that he Has thought out the subject much more thoroughly than 
Lord Randolph Churchill, or even than the h idiug men among the 
Liberal Unionists The institution of loc tl self-go\ernmcnt m Ireland 
he pionounced to be “a \cry diflicult question, ^ij^nd in the following 
passage he placed his fingci at once upon the kernel of the difliculty — 

“A local authority is more exposed to the tcmpJtition, and has moie of the 
facility lor enabling a majority to be unjust to the minont;y, th in is the case 
when the authority derives its sanction and oxtonrls its jiiiisdiction over a 
wide irei That is one of the weaknesses of lot il authorities In a large 
central authority the wisdom of severd paits of tho country will correct the 
folly or the mistakes of one In a local authority th it coriection to a much 
greatei extent la wanting , ind it would be impossible to leave that out of 
sight in tho extension of any such local authority to Ireland ’* 

This seems to me a much wiser and more statesmanlike view tliaii a 
National Council with a multitude of elective boards scattered broad- 
cast ovei Ireland, or even than Lord Ilartmgton's suggestion that ^thc 
extension of Irish management o\cr Irish affairs must be a ^ of 
small beginnings,” leading up to such a gicat and bold Irythin^^*^ 
tion of the Irish flovcrnmcDt ” as shall eventually g;now of,^nd 
something like complete control over hei oivn affairs ^ to \^halulti- 
tude of local boards all oier Ireland, without a recogni ^ Jntral 
authoiity to control them, would inevitably become facile imritumcnts 
in the hands of the emissaries of disoidei and sedition -'stiud even 
apart from any such sinister influences, they would be almtnl; certain 
to yield to the temptation of being oppressive, extravagant, and 
coirupt, if there weie no executive power to command their confil- 
dcncc and enforce obedience Without the previous creation of some 
authority of that kind it would be slider madness to offer Ireland 
the fatal bqon of local self government It would enormously 
increase without conciliating the power of the Nationalists, and would 
make the administration of Ireland by constitutioudl means simply im- 
possible The policy of the Liberal Unionists is thus much too large 
or much too small It is too small to conciliate, and therefore too large 
to be given with safety All these proposed concessions arc liable 
to one insuperable objection , they would each and all enable the 
Irish to extort Home Rule, but under circumstances which would 
rob it of its grace and repel gratitude Mill has some admirable 



observations bearing on tins subject, and I venture to quote the 
following passage — 

“ The grt itest imperfection of popiiHr local institutions, and the chief cause 
of the fulurc which so often attends them, is the low calibre of the men by 
whom they ire almost always c^riitd on That these should be of a very 
mi&cellaiieous tharseter is, indeed, pxrt of the usefulness of the institution, 
It IS tint circumstance chiefly which renders it a school of political capacity 
and general intelligence But a school supposes teachers as well as scholars, 
the utility of the instrnction greatly depends on its bringing inferior minds 
into contict with superior, a contact which in the oidiniry course of life is 
altogether exception il, ind the w int of which contributes more thin anything 
else to keep the gener^ity of in inkind on one level of contented ignorance 
It is quite hopeless to induce persons of a high class, either socially or 
intcllectuill}, to t ik( a sh ire of local idnunistration in i corner 
as ’"icmbers of a Paving Board or i D/'amage Commission ” ■* 

Mr Mill goes on to argue that it is essential to the healthy work 
ing of any scheme of local self-govcinmcnt that it should be under 
the control of a central authority which is itself in harmony with 
public opinion 

Both experience and authority are therefore on Piofessor Diccy^s side 
when he rejects all petty schemes of local boards which maybe suggested 

by pie^meal 

as an answer to the demand for Home llulc None of such schemes 
would satisfy the demand, and, failing^to satisfy it, would he simply 
mischievous For practic il purposes, tlici cforc. Professor Diccy pi oves 
too miHi He is a prophet without followers — vox clamantis tn 
Those who piofcss to follow him are all backsliders When 
voli^^^® brink of his conclusion they shiver and turn back 
He ^ ^ signal service to the cause of Home Rule by 

forcif^^ question to a definite issue between that policy and the 

present^^jj Icm, between a fresh departure and things as they are” 
He heliw^ s with He Beaumont, and so do I, that what is needed m 
Ireland ti* a strong central government,” an administration superior 
to parties, under whose shadow a middle class might spring up and 
become enlightened, while the power of the aristocracy was passing 
away ” Dc Beaumont said what Lord Beaconsfield expressed some 
half-dozen years aftcrwaids, in one of the most powerful speeches ever 
delivered in Parliament on the sjjibject of Ireland — namely, that Ire- 
land possessed the weakest executive in the world ,” an executive 
which could not enforce justice all round, and which left the 
mass of the population at the mercy of a prejudiced oligarchy There 
was then— that is, about fifU years ago — no educated middle class in 
Ireland, and*De Beaumont could think of no better plan for getting 
nd of Dublin CaStle government and demolishing the power of the 
dominant caste than by '^drawing closer the bond between England and 
Ireland, bringing Dublin as near as possible to London, and turning 
Ireland into an English county ” This be proposed to do by re- 

* ** CoDBiderations on RoprcBentatuc UocrDmeiit,’* j) 2S1 



formiDg the Viceroy alty and abolishing the prevailing system of local 

Bnt Professor Dicey is in error in supposing that De Beaumont, 
■whose work de«er\es all the praise which he bestows upon it, recom- 
mends this drastic remedy as the normal method of governing Ire- 
land On fhe contrary, he speaks of it as a temporary expedient, 
necessary " during the period of transition through which Ireland 
was passing So intolerable, in fact, did De Beaumont consider the 
administration of Ireland, so deep seated seemed to liim its^ maladies 
and vices, that he saw no hope except m the entire uprooting of the 
whole system And this, lu his opinion, could only be done by 
transferring the seat ol Irish go\crnment to England w^hile the trans- 
formation was Ding on This seems to me clear from the very pas- 
sage which Pro essor Dicey has quoted, and which 1 give m a note, 
in order that the reader mav judge for himself The 'Mocal 
administrations " which De Beaumont proposed to abolish could in 
no sense be described as examples of local self-government They 
had no representative ( bar act er, and the people had no voice in them 
whatever In slioit, De Beaumont saw plainly what Burke deplored 
more than forty years prcMOUsly, when he wrote the following words, 
almost from his deathbed — 

“ All th(V«n<rils of Trehnd ^ <.witlun itsdf English government has 
armed out Jrcl incl witlioii^^ ^ tion of a peppercorn rent in power or 

®5®|ifluence, public or iiidivi o the little n trrow f iction that domineers 

^ve|iere Througli th it ec, tcel, hear, or understand everything rda- 

\s to that kingdom Kbi do \ icy uiy way interfere, that J know of, except 
i giving their cr ntenance and the £ mction of their names to whatever is 
done by that Jun’^” f 

De Beaumont proposed a reconstruction of Irish government, and, 
as a necessary prelimina y condition, he insisted on the destruction of 
the Junto, and the rcip^ il bodily for a time of the Irish Administration 
to England Is it poo^lole to conceive a more emphatic condemna- 
tion of the system which Professor Dicey upholds with all the resources 
of d well-stored mind and the dexterity of a skilled dialectician ^ I 
do not forget that the disestablishment of the Irish Church and the 
Land Acts are subsequent to tEe publication of De Beaumont’s 
book But that fact does not affect t];fe question, for the system 
of Irish administration has remained essentially the same 1 
humbly submit, therefore, that De Beaumont, though summoned as 

* ** La rc^forme de la vice to}aut& et Fabolition des administrationB locales d’lrlande 
ne sent, sans doute, que des ebangements de forme Mais ce sont des moyens pratiques 
indispensables pour executor les r^formes politimies dont ce pays a besom II faut que, 
pendant la pcriode de transition oU se trouve Tlrlande, ceux qm la gouvement soieui 
places absolnment en debors d’elle, de ses mceurs, de ses passions , il faut que son 
gouvernement cees^^ compldtement d £tre irlandais , il faut quM soit entiorement, non 
pas anglais, mais rcmis a des anglais ’’ 

t Buike cu * Irieb Affairs, edited by Matthew Arnold, p 37G 



a witness m sui^poit of tlic Case against Home Jlule/^ is in reality 
a most powciful witness for the other side 

Nor is this all 1 shall venture to put Professor Dicey himself into 
the Tvitncss-bo\, and apiieal to his oun most candid admissions as an 
aigument against the case^^ which he has set up He is not blind, 
like more light-hearted opponents of Home llule, to tffe danger of 
the course which he iccommends We haie nothing before us/^ he 
says, ^^but a choice of difficulties or c\ils ^^Any possible course 
open to Lnglish st itesmanship involves gigantic inconvenience, not 
to say tremendous perils ” Certainly the perils of maintaining the 
Union in its present form and under existing conditions must be 
sufficiently apparent fiom Professor Dicey ^s succinct summary of the 

‘ The maintenance o£ the Union [I sliould add in its present foim] must 
ncccfcsaiiJy turn out i** severe atisk is ever tivcd i n ition\ cnoigies, for to 
maintiin the Union willi my goodeAcct, intms tli it, while reiusiug to accede 
to the wj<«lies of millions of Irishmen, wc must sedulously do justice to every 
fill deinind from Ireland, must strenuously, and without fear or fivour, 
assert the equd rights of landlords md tenuits, ol Piotcstants and Catholics, 
md mu..t, It the same time, put down tieiy outiage ind reform tveiy abuse 

hat hope is tlicre of this ^ Our only guide to the proba- 
bilities of the futuic IS our experience of the past And what has 
that been iii Ireland ^ In every yoai since the Legislative Union 
there have been multitudes of men iii England as upnght, as 
enlightened, as viell mtentioned towards Ireland, as Professor Dicey, 
and with better oppoitumties of translating their thoughts into acts 
Yet vihat has been the ycsult^ Si momnnaitim t equn is nKumsjnte 
llehold Ireland at this moment, and examine every ye ar of its histoiy 
sinee the Union Do the annals o#any constitutional Government m 
the vvoild piesent so portentous a monument of jiarliamcntai y failure, 
so vivid in example of a moral and mateiial ruin “ paved with good 
intentions Therein lies the pathos of it Not from malice, not from 
cn elty, not from wanton injustice, not even from callous indiflercncc 
to suffering and wrong, does our misgovenimcnt of Ireland come If 
the evil had its root in deliberate wrong-doing on the part of England 
it would probably have been cured long ago But each generation, 
while freelv confessing the sins of its fatiiers, has piotestcd its own 
innocence and boasted of its own achievements, and then, with a 
pharisaic sense of lectitude, has complacently pointed to some in- 
scrutable flaw in the Irish character as the key to the Irish problem 
The generation which passed the Act of Union, oblivious of Bntish 
pledges solemnly given and lightly broken, wondered what had become 
of the prosperity and contentment which the promoters of the Union 
had promised to Irclaiid The next generation made vicarious 
penance, and preferred* the enactment of Catholic emancipation to the 



alternative of cnil wai , and then wondered in its turn that Ireland 
still remained unpacificd Then came a terrible famine, followed by 
evictions on a scale so vast and cruel that the late Sir Robert Petl 
declared that no parallel could be found for such a tale of inhumanity 
in the records of any country, civilized or barbarous ” Another 
generation, pluming itself on its enlightened views and kind inten- 
tions, passed the Encumbered Estates Act, which delivered the Irish 
tenants ovei to the tender mercies ot speculators and money-lenders , 
and then Parliament foi a time closed its eyes and cais, and relied 
upon force alone to keep Ii eland quiet It reicctcd cveiy suggestion 

of reform in the land Kws , and a gieat Minister, himself an Irish 
'^landloid, dismissed the whole subject in the llipp int epigram that 
tenant right was landlord-wiong " Since then the Irish Church has 
been disestablished, and two L ind Acts have been passed , yet we 
seem to be as far as ever fiom the pacification of Irehnd Surely it 
lb time to inquire whether the e\il is not inherent in our system of 
governing Ii eland, and whether there is any otlier cure than that 
which Ec Beaumont suggested, namely, the destruction of the system 
It is probable that there is not in all London a more humane or a 
moie kmd-licarted inaii than Lord Salisburv Yet Lord Salisbury's 
Government will do some harsh and inequitable things in Ireland 
this winter, just as Mr Gladstone's Govcinmcnt did dining its term 
of oflice The fault is not in the men, but in the system which they 
have to administer I sec no reason to doubt th it Sir j\l Hicks-Beach 
has done the best lie could under the circiirastauccs , but, unfortu- 
nately, bad js the best In a comersatiou wliuli I had with Dr 
Dollinger while he was m full commuuion with Ins Church, I ven- 
tured to ask him w hether he thought that a new Pope, ot liberal ideas, 
force of charactci, and eomraaiiding ability, would make any gieat 
difference in the Papal sjstcm No," he leplied, “ the Curial sys- 
tem IS the giowth of centuries, and there can be no change of any 
consequence while it lasts Many a Pope has begun with brave pro- 
jects of reform , but the struggle has been brief, and the end has 
been invaiiably the same the Popo has been forced to succumb His 
entourage has been too much for him He has found himself enclosed 
in a system which was too strong for him, wheel within wheel , end 
while the system lasts the most enlightened ideas and the best inten- 
tions are in the long run unavailing " This criticism applies, mutatiH 
mutandiSy to what may be called the Ounal system of Dublin Castle 
It IS a species of political Ultramoutanism, exercising supreme power 
behind the screen of an ofhcial infallibility on which there is practi- 
cally no check, since Pailiamcnt never refuses to grant it any power 
which it may demand for enforcing its decrees 

But let us hear Professor Dicey's opinion of the system which he 
seeks to perpetuate — 



“ On one point alone (it may be urged) all men, of whatever p'lrty oi of 
whatever nation, who have seriously studied the annals of Ireland, are agieed 
the histoiy of the country is a record of incessant failure on the part of the 
(government, iml of incessant mi«>ery on the part of the people On this 
matter, if on no other, l)e Beaumont, hroude, and Lecky arc one ” 

If this u ere said of any country outside the British Empire, is there 
an intelligent man in England who would not without hesitation lay the 
blame upon the Go\crnment9 Professor Dieey leaves the question of 
guilt open, but insists that ‘^England, from whatever cause, " has failed 
in Ireland in achicMiig the elementary results of good governments^ 
This, he thinks, “ is as certain as any fact of history or ol experience ” 

I do not know that the most extiemc of Nationalists could draw 
up a more formidable indictment against English rule than this , vA 
othei words, a more cogent argument in favour of Home Rule 
The Act of Union/^ ]Mr Diccy affirms, ^^did not lead to national 
unity , on the couti ary, it has at last placed Engl ind and 
Ireland farther ap irt morally than they stood at the beginning of 
the century 

‘‘The failure of English stitesm mship, expl un it as you will, has produced 
the one last nnil gre ittst evil which misgov ernnu nt ( in c luse It h is creited 
hostility to the 1 in tlie minds of the people llu itiw emnnt work in 
Ireland because the cl i&ses, whose opinion in other countiics supports the 
action of the Courts, arc in Ireland, even when not hw-bieaker'>, m full 
sympathy with law bieikers ” (Pp 72, 71 ) 


It IS the able and accomplished ad\ocate of" England's Case against 
Home Rule who makes this ruinous confession of what the advocates 
of Home Rule may urge "in a way which is at once legitimate and 
telling And he adds, with most honourable candour, that a Home 
Ruler may argue that " this fact is for his purpose all the more 
instructive if it he granted that the criors of British policy do not 
arise from injustice or ill will to Irishmen The inference, he (%e , 
the Home Ruler) insists, to be drawn fiom the lesson of history is 
that it IS impossible for the Pailiament of the United Kingdom to 
understand or provide for Irish needs ” Professor* Dicey does not 
dispute the justice of the inference, on the contrary, he gives reasons 
which explain it For example " A foreign critic like De Beaumont 
finds it far easier than could any Englishman to entei into the con- 
dition of Ireland The English nation " has combined extra- 
ordinary talents for legislation with a singular incapacity for consoh- 
dating subject races into one State , whereas " France has shown 
a power, quite unknown to Englishmen, of attaching to herself, by 
aflfection, countries which she has annexed by force " The 
assailants of popular Governments^ are wrong when they "point 
to the misrule of Ireland as a proof that the Parliamentary 
system is vicious What those critics do prove is, that a 

representative assembly is a had form of government for any nation 



or class wlioin it does not r^reseat, and they establish to demon- 
stration that a Parliamentary despotism may well be a worse form 
of government than a Royal despotism " Down to 1783 Ireland was 
avowedly subject to the dfspotism or sovereignty of the British 
Farliamenti and at every turn the interest of the country was 
sacrificed to the exigencies of English politics And even at the 

present day the most plausible charge which can be brought against 
the working of the Act of Union is thaf Ireland under it fails to 
obtain the full benefit of the British Constitution^ and that^ in spite 
of her hundred representatives, she is not, for practical purposes, 
represented at Westminster in the same sense as is Middlesex or 
||Midlothian " * 

Mr John Morley was lately taken very severely to task for saying 
that the British Parliament has commonly yielded to fear rather than 
to reason But Professor Dicey says in substance much the same 
thing in the following passage f 

“ All the inherent vices of party government, all the weaknesses of the 
PuluraenUry system, all the evils arising irom the perverse notion, that 
reform ought ah/ays to be preceded by a period of lengthy and more than 
half factitious agitation, met by equally factitious resistance, have been 
fostered and incrciscd by the inter action of Irish and English politics No 
one can believe that the inveterate habit of ruling one part of the United 
Kingdom on principles which no one would venture to apply to the govern- 
ment^ of any other part of it, can h ive produced anything but the most 
injurious effect on the st ibility of our Government and the character of our 
public men The advocates of Home Rule find by f ir their strongest argu- 
ments for influencing English opinion in the proofs which they produce, that 
England, no less than Ireland, has suffered from a political arrangement under 
which legal union has failed to secure moral unity ’’I 

And Professor Dicey judgment IS, that for "these evils, arising 
from the connection, the blame must rest on English statesmen " 

Tfhese, be it observed, are thefiank admissions of a writer of great 
ability, wide reading, and singular honesty, extorted from him by the 
logic of facts in the course of an elaborate argument against Home 
Rule and in support of " things as they are ” And they are ad- 
missions, not of facts which are ephemeral or transitory, the offspring 

* Pp 81-83 This last admission is hardly consistent with p 288, where Profe‘»sor 
Dicey speaks of “the Parliameniof the United Kingdom,” as “an assembly, be it notea, lu 
which the voice of Ireland is freelyjieard “ A nation “ freely heard,” but never listened 
to, may reasonably complam of contumely added to wrong Can Professor Dicey cite 
any single boon of any importance which the British Parliament has ever granted bimply 
to “ the voice of Ireland freely heard 

+ I have observed, as a general rule, that when the opponents of any reform point out 
the dangers which they think likely to proceed from it, they call it “ warning,” but 
denounce as “ intimidation” the danger signals which the advocates of reform hoist up 
to avert its rejection . ^ 

$ P 152 Here, again, I must note what seems to me an inconsistency /in the 
passage quoted above the author admits that “legal union has failed to se^i*e moral 
unity ” Yet on p 161 he seeks to discredit the policy of Home Rple by (l^cribing it 
aa “ a plan for disuniting the parts of a united State ” What is the vabie of “ a legal 
union ’’ which has failed to secure “ moral unity ” ^ 



of this or that passing Administration or official, but of facts whuh 
have their roots bcneatn the veiy foundations of the present system 
of Irish government, and are inseparable from it There is, more- 
o\er, aiiotlici consideiation, which has escaped Mr Dicey 's ciiticisra, 
but \ilncli must convince any dispassionate mind which ponders it, 
that the Biitish Parliament is incompetent to manage Irish affairs, 
and must become mcieasingly incompetent year by year In ordinary 
ciicumstaiices Parlnment sits about twenty-se\cn weeks out ot the 
hfty*two Pive out of the twenty seven may safely be subtracted 
foi holidays, debates on the Address, and other debates apart from 
ordinary business That leaves twenty-two weeks, and out of these, 
two nights a week arc at the disposal of the Government and^ 
three at the disposal of private membcis , lca\ing iii all forty- four^ 
days for the Government and bi^ty-si\ for piivitc members Into 
those forty-four nights Government must compress all its yearly 
programme of legislation for the whole ot the British Empiie, fioni 
the settlement of some petty dispute about land in the Hebrides 
to some question of high policy in Egypt, India, oi other poi tioiis 
of the Queen’s world- wide empire, and ill this amidst endless 
distractions, enforced attendance thiough dreary debates and vapid 
talk, and a luniuiig hre ot cross examination from any volunteer 
questioner out ol the 600 odd members who >it outside the Govern- 
ment circle The couscqucnce is, that Pailiameiitis getting less able 
every year to overtake the mass of business which comes before it 
Each yeai contributes its quota of mcvitiblc ai rears to the accumu- 
lated mass of previous Sessions, and the pioeess will go on multiply- 
ing in increasing ratio as the complex and multiform needs of 
modern life iiieieasc The large addition recently made to the 
electorate of the United Kingdom is alieady foicing a crop of fresh 
subjects on the attention of Parliament, as well as presenting, old 
ones from new points of view Plans of devolution and Grand Com- 
mittees will fail to cope with this evil To overcome it we need 
some organic change in our present Parliamentary system, some 
form of decentralization, which shall leave the Imperial Parliament 
supreme ovei all suboidinate bodies, yet relegate to the historic and 
geographical divisions of the United Kingdom the management 
severally of their own local affairs Professor Diccy regards all plans 
of this sort as a retrograde movement, the premonitory symptom ot 
incipient dissolution 

I should have better hope from governing Ireland (if it were 
possible) as we govern India, than from Professor Dicey^s method of 
■ussiing things as they are ” A Viceroy surrounded by a Council of 
trained officials, and in scmi-indcpendence of Parliament, would have 
settled the Irish question, land and all, long ago But imdgme 
India governed on the model of Ireland the Viceroy and 



the most important member of his Government changing with 
every change of Adrainistratiln at Westminster , * his Council and 
the official class in general consisting almost exclusively of 
native Mussulmans, deeply prejudiced by religious and tradi- 
tional enmity against the great mass of the population, himself 
generally subordinate to Ins Chief Secretary, and exposed to 
the dailv criticism of au ignorant Parliament and to the deter- 
mined hostilitj ol eighty-six Hindoos, holding scats in Parlia- 
ment as the lepiesentatives of the vast majority of the people of 
India, and resenting bitterly the domination of the hereditary 
oppressois of tlieir race How long could the Government of India 
be gamed on under such conditions^ 

0 Viewing it all lound, then, it must be admitted that the problem 
which Professor Dicey has set himself is a sufficiently formidable one 
]lead the remarkable admissions which I have quoted from liis book, 
and add to them all the othci evils which are rooted in our existing 
system of Irish goveinment, and then considei what liope there is, 
under thing*» as they arc/^ of '^sedulously doing justice to every 
demand from Ireland/^ strenuously, and without fear or favour, 
asscitmg the equal rights of landlords and tenants, Protestants and 
(Catholics, ^'putting down every outrage, and refoiming evciy 
abuse, and all the "while refusing to accede to the wishes of 
millions of Irishmen for a fundamental change in a political 
arrangement that has for centuiies produced all the mischief which 
Professor Dicey admits, and much more besides, while it has at the same 
time frustrated every serious endeavour to bring about the better 
state of things which he expects from — what ^ Piom " things as they 
ire * ” As well expect grapes fiom thorns, or figs from thistles 
While the tiec remains the same, no amount of weeding, or pruning, 
or nianuiing, or change of cultuie, will make it bring forth diflFercnt 
fruit Professoi Dicey has demolished what Lord Beaconsfield used 
to ^all the " bit-by-bit reformers of Irish Government— those who 
would administer homoeopathic doses of local self-government, but 
always under protest that the supply was to stop short of what would 
satisfy the hunger of the patient But a continuance of things 
as they are,” gilded with a thin tissue of benevolent hopes and aspi- 
latious, IS scarcely a more promising remedy for tjie ills of Ireland 
Is it not time to try some jew treatment — one which has been tried 
111 similar cases, and always with success? One only policy has 
never been tried in Ireland — ‘honest Home Rule It is recommended 
by wise men and skilled practitioners, and has been for a long time 

* From the bceiimmg of 1880 till now therfe have been six ’V iceroys and nine Chief 
Secretaries in Dublin — namely, Duke of Marlborough, Earls Cowi)er and Spencer, Earls 
of Carnarvon and Aberdeen, and tht. Marquis of Londonderry , Mr I owther, Mr Forster, 
Lord I? Cavendish, Mr Trevelyan, Mr Campbell Bannerman, bn W Hart Dyke, Mr 
W H bmith, Mr J Morley, and Sir M Hicks Beach A fine example, truly, of 
stable government and coutmuoua policy I 



passionately demanded by the patient At present the case stands 
thus The existing system has admiHedly failed This is the con- 
fession of its latest and ablest champion Every scheme (within 
that system), says Professor Dicey, has ^n tried in turn, and no 
scheme has succeeded ” It ^Ms a record of incessant failure on the 
part of the Government, and of incessant misery on the part of the 
people ” It " has produced the one last and greatest evil which mis- 
government can cause Irish disaffection to England is, if not 
deeper, more wide-spread than in 1800 It is, in short, a political 
arrangement under which legal union has failed to secure moral 
unity ” Is it possible to conceive a more complete surrender at dis- 
cretion of things as they are than these suicidal admissions * Yet 
this is the position, his guns spiked by himself and his ramparts^ 
lying all in ruins around him, from which ^Ir Dicey ventures on the 
following surprising challenge — 

‘‘ The support of the Unipn [as it is] is, after all, let controversialists say 
what they will, the policy which holds the held, ind it is (strange though the 
assertion may appear) on the advocates ot innovation, not on the supporters 
of things as they are, that lies the burden of making out thtir case ** 

The advocates of innovation " need only rcplv that Professor 
Dicey has saved them the trouble he has made out their case for 

But " the advocates of innovation are of two sorts those who 
are in favour of local i^lf-governmcnt, more or less, but short of 
Parliamentary Home Rule , and those who advocate Home Rule in 
the sense of a Legislative Body in Dublin, with executive powers, but 
subordinate to the Imperial Parliament To both of these classes of 
innovators Mr Dicey is irreconcilably opposed He is one of 
" the supporters of things as they are,^^ since he sees no prospect of 
Frenchifying our administration of Ireland (pp 26, 27) A con- 
troversialist who occupies so exposed a position has need to look 
well to his weapons Let us then examine his arguments against 
Home Rule — not lu detail , there is no space, nor is there any 
necessity Their validity can be tested by some proof examples 

The first criticism that I have to make is, that a large proportion 
of Professor Dicey^s arguments against Home Rule are of the nature 
of unfulfilled prophecy In his opinion, “ the injury to be done to 
England^' by Home Rule is a ccitamty (p 16) It would be 
equivalent to a loss of "moral character (p J44) It would also 
be " vile treachery," which " would approach to lufamv," since it 
would probably leave " English subjects who had always obeyed the 
law * at the mercy of conspirators whose lawlessness had taken 

* ^hile I am writing, Justice Lawson has just been denouncing an, Ulster Protestant 
jury for condoning the murder of a British soldier by an Irisli Protestant , and an Ulster 
member of J^arliament has publicly declared that if the Imperial ParRameut pass a law 
which happens to offend his Orange prejudices, he will disobey that law Obedunce 
to laws which fa\oui oneself and oppress others is a ver^ cheap kind of loyalty 



the form of cruelty and tyranny, and whose vindictiveness was eertam 
to punish as criminality former acts of loyalty or obedience to 
English sovereignty (pp 141-5) It would meam loss to Great 
Britain both lu moneys and men,^' amounting, in men, to " the 
sacrifice of a seventh part of the population of the United Kingdom 
(pp 145-6) Ireland under Home Rule would be a foe, or at best 
a very cold friend, upon our borders ” (p 147) " Our diplomacy 

would be constantly occupied with the intrigues carried on iii 
Dublin (p 148) “ That the GHdstonian Constitution cannot 

satisfy Ireland is all but certain (p 2G7) An Irish Parliament 
would assuredly pass liws which every man m Kngland, and many 
^ more throughout Iieland, would hold to be unjust, and which 
would certainly act aside imperial legislation” (p 210) Horae 
Rule would mean courts, an army, and a police, controlled by the 
leaders of the Land League,” and that again would probably mean 

rents abolished and landlords driven into exile ” (p 211) A Home 
Rule Parliament would desire that the country shall defend 
itself, and would therefore insist on liavmg an army (p 209) 
Under Home Rule wc should piobably see British subjects killed 
by a mob in Belfast or in Dublin, whilst British tioops stand quietly 
by, and under the direction of an lush Home Secretary take no 
steps to prevent murder” (pp 2G3-i) Suppose that the first 
Irish Ministry, on then accession to power, propose to mauguiate the 
new eia bv a free pardon of all the political %ffcudeis, dyinraitcrs and 
others ” (p 264) * 

Certainly, if Home Rule is to be refused till all these prophecies 
arc disproved, and all these suppositions shown to be absolutely 
impossible, Iiclind must go without Home Rule foi ever If the 
sky fall, we shall catch larks” Jlut he would be a foolish bird- 
catcher who waited for that contingcncj And not less foolish is 
the statesman who sits still till every conceivable objection to his 
policy has been mathematically refuted in advance, and every wuld 
prediction falsified by the event , foi that would ensure his ncvei 
moving at all Sedet (eieinamque scdibit A pioper enough atti- 
tude, perhaps, on the part of an ciistic philosopher speculating on 
politics in the silent shade of aeademie groves but hardly suitible 
for a practical politician who has to take action on one of the most 
burning questions of our time Human affairs are not governed by 
mathematical reasoning You cannot demonstrate the piccisc 
results of any legislative measure beforehand as you can demon- 
strate the course of a planet in the solai system “ Probability,” as 
Bishop Butler says, is the guide of life , ” and an older philosopher 

* Is Mr Dicoy serious in ha/ wclmir this and other oiitiagcoiia improbabilities’ An 
Irish Ministry could not at present do anything of the kind Ihe poLtical olTcudora 
in question were tned and convicted in Great Brituu, and would bo beyond the juris- 
diction of an Irish Ministry 




than Butlci Ins ^vained us that to demand demonstrative proof in 
the spliere ot ooufiugent matter is the same kind of absurdity as 
to demand piobablc reasoning m mathematics You cannot confute 
a propliet bcfoic the event, vou can o/fiy disbelieve him The 
adiocates of Hopic Itulc belitve that their policy would in general 
Inie an cxaitiv contrary effect to that predicted by Mr Diccy, 
and tlicir iaitli rcbts on better evidence than his unbelief 
Tirsi, t\cry act of Icgislition is, before experience, amenable to 
such dcstructnc criticism as he uigcs against Home Rule I 
have not x doubt that Profcssoi Dicev could have made out 
an unausncriblt case against the Great Chartci at llunnymede , 
and lie would find it easy to prove on a priot i grounds th it the British 
Constitution is one of the most absuid, mischievous, and unworkable 
instiuments that ever issued fiom hiimar brains or from the evolu- 
tion of event'* By Profe&sor Diccv^s method of leasoiung the Great 
Chartci and othei fundamental poitious of the Constitution oiiglit 
to have brought the Government ot the British ihnpirc to a deadlock 
long ago Everv suspension ot the Habeas Coipus Act, eveiy Act 
oi Attainder, every statute for siimmaiy tiial and conviction bcfoic 
justices of tlic peace, is a violaiiou ol the tundanicutal article of the 
Constitution, winch requires that no man shall be imprisoned oi othi r- 
wisc punished except after lawful tiial by his pccis^ Considci also 
the magazines of explosive materials which lie hidden in the consti- 
tutional prerogatives of <he Crown, if they could only bp ignited by 
the match ot an ingenious theorist The Crown, as Lord Sherbrooke 
once somewhat irrev crcntly expressed it, an turn evciy cobbler m the 
land into apecr/^ and could thus put an end, as the Duke ot Welling- 
ton declared, to " the Constitution ot this country The Ciown 
IS not bound by Act of Parliament unless named therein by special 
and particular woids The Ciowii can make peace or war with- 
out consulting Parliament, can by secret ticaty saddle the nation with 
the most perilous obligations, and give away all such portions of the 
empire as do not i est on Statute The prerogative of mercy, too, would 
enable an eccentric Sovereign, aided bv an obsequious Minister, to open 
the jails and let all the convicted criminals in the land loose upon 
society i But criticism which proves too much in effect proves nothing 
Secondly, every stage in the progress of constitutional reform has, in 
matter of tact, been marked by similar predictions falsified by results,^ 

* Creasy s “ Imperial and Colonial Constitutions of the Britannic Empire,’* p 155 
i* May’s Const Hist i 313 

X Blackatones “Commentaries,** by Stephen, ii 491-2, 497, 507 
^ AVc need not go far afaeld for illiistratioa<t A few samples will sufhee “It was 
natural,” says Mill (“ Hop Gov ** p 311),” to feel strong doubts before trial had Ijeen made 
how such a provision [as the SUtireme Court of the United States] would work , whether 
the tribunal would have the courage to exercise its constitutional power, if it did, 
v^ether it would exercise it wisely, and whether the Government would consent peace 
ably to its decision The discussions on the American Constitution, before its fintd 



and the prophets who condemn Horae Rule have no better credentials , 
indeed, much worse, for they proclaim the miserable failure of ^'things 
as they aie,” whereas their predecessors were in their day satisfied 
with things as they were Thirdly, some ot Mr Dicey^s most telling 
points are now obsolete and irrelevant foi instance, the exclusion 
of Irish merabeis fiom the British Parliament (p 92) Mr Glad- 
stone has in public repeatedly withdrawn that part of the Bill, and 
declared his leadmess to njakc provision for continued Irish represen- 
tation in the Imperial Parliament With the fall of that objection 
falls also the argument fiom the so-cilled “ tribute which Professor 
Dicey hangs on it (p 269) But it is necessary to say a woid or two 
oil tins tribute ” question Professor Dicey b( lieics that all Ireland, 

'uloption ^i\e CMtlpncc thit these uatiuil apprt huisions wore strongly felt, but the> 
n e now entirely quntul, sinc< <lnring the two ^^cncritions iiul more which hive sub 
scqucntly c] xpsed noth his occiiitcd to \ciif\ them, thoiiji thtic ha\e at times 
been disnutcs of consider iblc acnmoiiy and whn h bcc luic the Sidles of paitits respect 
iiig the limits of tlio iuthoiit> of tlic Indcial ind State (jio\crnmcnts ’ Jhc Austrian 
opiioncnts ot Home Tlnlc in Hun^rar^ predicted ihit it would lead sti ai^^ht to s< juration 
Jhc opponenti of the C anadi iii ( onslitution j)l*o|)hcsied thit Caiiaili would in a 
fi w irs he amic\o<l to the I lutcd States uni ilome Kulc in Anstrali i was believed 
by able stitc&nnii to iiixohc ludcjicudcnce it an cirl\ date Mr l)ieey liinistlf tells us 
‘thit th( wTseat tlimkeis of the eijfhtccuth century (inelndiu^ lluike) held that th® 
inde])eiideuce of tlic Aimrioan Colonics nuant the irrejj liable lum ot (tic it lintain 
Iheie were apparently solid re i&oiis lor tjiis belief expeneiue h s proved it to lie with 
out found ition Iho various changes in om own Constitution, md even m our 
Criiniiial ( odo, were believed b\ nun of h^lit md leading’ at the time to poi tend 
natinual nun All the ju 1 es in the hnd, all the b inkeis and the piofchsions generally, 
pctitioneel i^airist dtei ition ni the law which sent cliilUien of ten to the gallows for 
he theft of a pocket hamikt rehief The great 1 oid 1 llenborou^h elecl iredin the House 
* f L.ordj that tlie h irnc<l judges weie unauimou'«ly a^reeil that any mitigation in 
it 1 iw w ouhl mipeiil the public st eipity ’ “ My I Old*? lie eNehinied if w i suffer 
I lis Bill to jjasswe sb ill not know wheiewestind wesh ill not know whether we aic on 
c ir he ids or on om Icct ’ AIi J*< losval when leader ( f tlie House of C ominous m 1807, 
euelaicd tli it lie e uld uot comeive a time oi change of eiieumst vnees wlueli would 
reniler furtlui concessions to the t athohes consistent witli thesifcty of the State” 

< C loker 1 iper i 12 ) ( lol ei wis i v cr> istute m in , but licre is his forecast of the 
He form Act of 1832 ‘ Ao kiii_,s no lords, no inequalities in the social system all wnll 

be levelltd to the plane of the petty shopkeeper-^ ind small f umeis this, perhaps, not 
without Idoodshed, but certainly by coniiscatious an I persecutions ’ “ J here can be no 

longci any doubt tint th< Leform Bill is a tejiping stone in h ngland to a Republic, 
and m Ireland to separ itioii ” Croker met the Queen m 1832 eou&ide red her very good 
looking, but thought it not luihkely that “ she may live to be pi uii Miss Guelph ” 
J \ eii Sir Robert IVcl wrote * If I am to be bcliev ed, 1 foresee revolution as the eonse 
ejuence of this Bill , ’ aiwl he “ felt that it hod ceased to be an object of ambition to any 
man of equable and consistent mind to enter into the service of the Ciown ’’ And as 
lite as 18 J9 robust a chaiae ei ab Sir lames Graham thought the world was coming 
to an end because the >oun^ Queen gave hei conlidence to a Whig Minister “ I begin 
to share all your apjirdieiisions and forebodings ’ he wiites to Croker with regard to 
the probable issue of the present struggle The Crown in alliance with Demociacy 
biljles every eolculitioii on the balance of power m our mixed form of Government 
Aristocracy and C huieli cannot contend against Queen and people mixed they 
must yield m the hrst instance when the Crown, unprotected, will meet its f ite, and 
the accustomed round of auatchy and despotism will run its course ” And ho prays 
that be may “ lie cold before that dicadful day (Jbid ii 11 J, 140, 170 181, 350 ) 
J?reo Trade created a simil ir panic Good God » Croker exclaimed, ‘ what a chaos 
of anarchy and misery do 1 foresee m every direction, from sa comp iratively small a be- 
ginning as changing an avet a 4 fe duty of 8s into a fixed duty of 8s , the fact being that 
the fixed duty means no duty at all, and no duty at all will be tlieov orthrow of tbeenst- 
mg social and politii al system of our country ’ {Ihd iii 13) And what ha\ e become of 
Mr Lowe s gloomy vaticinations as to the terrible conscr^uences of the very moderate 
Reform Bill of 18GG, followed as it was by a much more democratic measure ^ 

H 2 



Ulster included, would join, and justly join, in denouncing as at 
once Ignominious and ruinous the payment of a tubutc raised for 
imperial purpose'^ at the moment uhen Iieland ceased to have anv 
\otc m the direction of imperial policy (pp 268-9) The objection 
IS no loiigci iclevaiit, but is it sounds It may be presumptuous, 
espocnllv for a layman, to question any opinion on constitutional law 
ijivcri by the eminent aiithoi of the ^'Law of the Constitution,” but 
1 am suie that Professor Dicey is one of the last men to repel criticism 
by the weight of any autliority I shall therefore venture to say that 
in the passage just quoted, and in other parts of his volume, beseems 
to me to hive forgotten the cardinal distinction which Burke draws, 
in his splendid speech on American tavation, between " the 
Constitution of the Briti'-h Empire and the Constitution of 
Britain Buikc would never have asserted, as Professor Diccy does 
(pp lo-ir), that it IS not the doubt as to the rc ility of the 
blessing to be conferred on Iieland, but the certainty of the 
injurs to be done to Ihigland, which causLs then opposition to 
Home llulc^^'^ Mr Diccj argacs thioiighout as if England 
alone, m the strictest sense, wcic the Biitish Empire, and had ac- 
Qordingly an exclusive right to decide an issue which concerns the 
Eiipire at laige It is this nirrowiicss of view — if I inaj take the 
libcity of saying so — whuh his misled him ou the subject of the 
alleged injustice of taxation without repicseiitation No higher 
authority on tli it subject exists than Buikc , yet Burke ms sts on the 
constitutional right of the Tmpeiiil Parliament to demand foi im- 
perial purposes a financial contribution fiom the subordinate legisla* 
turcs Profcssoi Dicey liimscU docs no* insist inoic strongly than 
Buik( docs on the omnipotence of Parliament " llci power,’’ he s?\s, 
“muse be boundless,^’ iiul he tests this power is follows — 

‘ We ire iged in w ir , the Surdary ot State c ills upon the Colonies 

to (.ontnbut "^unie would do it, 1 tliink ino^t would ehccifiilly fiiimsh 

wlnt* \oi dfin indcd Ono oi t^o, suppose, hincj huk, and, eising ilunl 
&( ]\e-5, let tlie stress ot the dr lujit Jio on the othcis SiiiJ) it is proper th it 
soua auloiit;y iniglit lewdly sij T i\ joijim Ivt s loi tin common sujijdj, oi 
Path till' ntwill do it for ^uu ’ Hu cast i') to be piovidi d for by a competent 
&o\c r Cl jiii power , but then this ouglit to be no oidniaiy power — nor cvei 
used m the first ins^^'vrcf Hus is wli it T ruoirit when I li ive siid it various 
times tint I comidu the ponet ot Umiof za Pcuhumcnt c/s ati instnmcnt of 
empty e, and not ns a means oj supply/ 

The principle of what is inaccurately called tl e “ tribute m Mr 


* Compare tins with the folio wiii^ JiiipiDjic of Buikc, spoken, be it remembered, 
b'^foro till* Union — “ 1 he I'lrliunent of ( re it Britain sits at the head of an extenaivo 
1 mpiTC in two capacities one is the local legislature of this island, l^roMdmg for ill 
things at home immediately, and by no other instrument than the executive power , 
the o+her and I think her nobh r capacitv, ii what 1 call her im}jcri il character, in 
which as from the throne of hcav eri she bupci intends ill Un sevcial inferior legisla 
turru, and ^uidce and controls them all, inthout annihilaling any ’ 



'Gladstone’^ Bill could not be more clearly defined It makes no 
difiercncc as to principle how the right of taxing the Colonies for 
imperial purposes is to be exercised, whether by an agreement to 
pay a certain sum for an mdcfinite time, or for a given period, or by 
an extraordinary vote to meet an extiaordinary emergency The 
principle is, that Parliament, in its imperial capacity, has a right to 
call, as it shall see fit, on any constituent member of the empire to 
bear its shaic in the burdens of the empire Theie could, therefore, 
have been nothing unjust or " ignominious in Ireland’s contribution 
to imperial taxation under Mr Gladstone's Bill, even if not a single 
Irish member remained in the British Parliament Still less could 
this have been the case when it was a voluntary arrangement on the 
part of Ireland made legally thiough her chosen representatives The 
maxim that there can be no taxation without representation is one of 
those constitutional truisms which would soon wieck the Constitutiou 
if pushed beyond tlic nariow limits of their pioper aiiplication 
Stiictly intcrjncted, it would exempt women fiom taxation, and all 
males without votes In 1831 the entire electoral body of Scot- 
land was only 4,000 ” ^ Docs it follow that the rest of the popula- 
tion of Scotland had up to tint date been illegally taxed ? "V^Hien 
Burke aigued against the light of Parliament to tax the colonies 
he was using light in wlnt logicians call its second intention 
Men may Individually and as a Government have a right to do 
what nevertheless it would not be light foi them to do An abstract 
light may become a concrete wrong 

Mv fourth special criticism on Professor Dicey s aigumcnt against 
Horae Rule is, that much of it, while appiopriatc enough in the form 
of amendments to a Bill in Committee, cannot properly be called 
arguments against I^omc Rule at all Right or wiong, they might 
be accepted without prejudice to the piinciplc of Home Rule, which, 
*lct be repeated, means in this coiitiovcrsy a Legislative Body in 
Ireland, Icgishting foi aflairs exclusively Irish, with an executive 
under its control All else is open, and when the advocates of 
Home Rule point to other countries and to our colonies as examples 
of the beneficial working of Home Rule, they are not so foolish as to 
suggest that the analogies are complete, but only that they are suffi- 
ciently near as jmmd Jacie arguments t Some others of Mr Diccv^s 
objections rest on an equivocal use of words ‘'nation*^ and "nation- 
ality" are instances For example " Mr Parnell and his followers 
accept in principle Mr Gladstone's proposals, and are therefore willing 

* Creasy, p 30 

+ Ihis IS my answer to some criticism which Professor Dicey his done me the honour 
of making on my pamphlet on Home Kulc, on page 190 of his book Having, however, 
in that criticism attributed to me, by an oaersight, a quotation from another writer, he 
has written to mo in most courteous terms to request me to make public the fact that 
he has corrected the mistake in his second edition 



to accept for Iichnd icbtuctions on her political liberty absolutely 
inconsistent iMtli hci natioiialitv (p 32) Rhode Island has all 
the freedom clcmaudcfT for liis country by in emiiicnt Home Rulci 
He suich docs not considci the inhabitants of Rhode Island to be a 
nation lie land would not under Federalism lie a nation” 
(p Ih?) nition IS oni thing, a state forming part of a federa- 
tion IS another” (p 33) Bivaria or Ilnngaiv In these 

passages nationality is nude synonymous with absolute indepen- 
dence, and Jlr Dicey^s whole “ c isi ” rests at bottom on tlic 
assumption that this is the kind of nationality winch the Irish 
desire, and that thej mil never lemain satisfied with anything 
short ot complete separation from the Butish EmpiK I 
believe, on the contiarj — and my belief icsts on no more violent 
assumption than that the Irish lit not fools — that the Irish 
Nation ilists would in a body reject as i fatal gift tin boon for which 
IJIr Diccj thinks they aie ciaving The nation lity they cherish is 
something quite dilltiti t 

“ A poitioa of mankind, ‘‘iniy be siid to consliiuti. inition- 

ility if they aie unitt d imong thcm’-chco by common s^mpUhiO'', which do 
iioto''i^tb tween them and my othcis— winch mike tlicni co-oj ci itc with 
oich otlui moip wdlingl} than with othci people, dcsitc to be under thc'>*nlc 
L^o\cinint nt, and dcbin that it sliould be gowernme it by tlicmsclvc*^, oi 
portion ol thcmselv( , exclusively ” 

Among the causes winch generate this sentiment lie mentions 
community of language / identity of race and descent,” com- 
munity of religion,” geographic il limits” a common name” 
But the stiongcst of all is identity of political antecedents, the pos- 
session of a national history, and consequent community of recollcc 
tions collective puck and humiliation, pleasure and regict, connected 
witii the tame incidents m the past ” Scotlaiicl and Wales have an 
intense pride in their distinct nationalities , but this pi uk clocg iiolf 
derogate fiom — it increases — tlieir common pride in tlieii heritage as 
membeis of the British Empire The liveliest ardour of individual 
nationah&ra may ce-cMst vuth love of a larger country under the 
over shadowing tCgis ol cithei an imperial or federal flag A solclici 
IS rot less loyal to the national flag because liis first tliought is for 
the colours of his regiment U.liat tins was Mills view, the whole 
passage, and also his illustrations, show 

I can only cursorily glance &t a few moie of Mr Dicey's objec- 
tions Home rule,” he says, is a plan for revolutionizing the 
Constitution of the whole United Kingdom ” (p 17) How? Was 
the Constitution revolutionized by thp Act of Union ? If not, how 
ca^ti it be revolutionizi^d by a modification of that Act ^ Mr Glad- 
sj^oneN Home Rule Bill was constitutionally insignificant in compa- 
pmii with the Act of Union, which not only destioycd a Parliament 

* «Rep Got’'p 294 



centuries old, but in ciddition repealed specifically the fundamental 
statutory covenant which ordaiQed — 

“ That the said rj^dit cl iirned by tho peoplt of Irel ind to be bound only by 
laws enacted by Ills Majesty and the Parliament of th it Kingdom in all cis* s 
Avliitevcr, ind to have ill ictioris, iS^c , decided in Ihs MajO'-ty’s Court therein 
linilly^ and without ippeil lioin thince, shall h(, and it is heiehy d( 

(land to he, estahh6hed avd asi a taimd jot tut, and shall at no time hereaftei 
he qucstioiud oi qiicshonahlt ( \ct, Georgt HI c xwiii , md I7h3 ) 

Mr Dicey objects to the personification of nationalities, the 
delusion of personification^^ (pp 10 — 11 ), md then presently falls 
into that lery ^Mclusion when he speaks of FngUnd as a person 
— her honoui,” ^^hcr obligations'’ (pp 1 ?, 13) He attacks the 
idea that a portion of i nation has a light to speak with the 
luthoiitj of the whole ‘^Thc will of i locilitv i«i ulnnttcd not to be 
the cxpichsion of the will of tho nation (pp 20, 30) This assumes 
the CMstence of a united nation, which he denies on p 12S “ The 

two countiics [England and Ireland] do not yet foiin one united 
nation ” The feeling of nationality,” we ire told, has pi 15 cd a 
very subordinate pait in fomenting or kcc]) mg alive Irish discontent,” 
and therefore tlu true ind onlj remedy is ni agi anaii law 
(pp 9(5, 288) The history of Ireland siiue the Union lefutes tnis 
assertion Ihom Grattan downwards Ii eland’s demand for Home Rule 
has been primaiily political But if we grant Mr Diccy^s assertion for 
the sake of argument, it destioys the main part of his case,” which 
assumes that the real dcsiie of Irish nationalists is foi national 
independence and complete sepaiation He thinks (p 212) that the 
Irish would not be satisfied tien with colonial independence” 
Why, if the ical lOot of their discontent is agrarian,and a reform m 
that diieetion would cure the discontent ^ 

But want of spsce foibids me to pursue this criticism m detail 
Aftci all, the ical question is, Wliat is to be done now ^ The Irish 
question will brook no delay Men may talk lightly of the ease with 
which cighty-six lush members may be kept m order m Parliament 
Tlicy foiget that the Irish people ate behind the Irish membeis How 
IS Ireland to be governed on parliamentary principles if the voice of 
her icprcsentjjtives is to be forcibly silenced or disregarded ? Could 
even Yorkshire be governed permanently in that way ^ That is the 
difficulty which Professor Dicey never faces once m his able book, and 
his evasion of it piovcs that he sees no practical method of facing it 
from the ground of things as they are ” If I mistake not, Ins 
book will be found to advance instead of impeding the cause of 
Hon»e Rule When the Biitish public come to see that the only 
alternatives are Home Rule and " things as thev are,” they will 
choose Home Rule But in any case opponents as well as friends must 
welcome into the arena the advent of a combatant who delivers his 
hardest blows with knightly courtesy 

Matcolm MacColl 


O lSE of the surcsst mdicitions of llie adviucc and spicad of 
liealthy feeling in tliis» countiy is the efiort societies aic now 
making to seeme the welfaic of oui buffering fellow -cieatures For 

many jears wc ha^c had in our midst i Society for the Ihevtntion 
of Crueltj to Animals, but it is only quite iccLutlj that the Society 
for Pie\cntion of Ciuclt) to Children has been able to make any 
hcadwaj We ha^c now anothci society sjninging up for the 
picvcntion of hydiophobia, whose operations, if judiciously earned 
out, must inevitably tend to rclie\t humanity of the risks of a 
hoiiiblc form of disease, wlule animals especially dogs, will also 
benefit by immunity fiom the same 

The ad\aiirc fiom solicitude for the wclfaic of animals only to 
that of human beings is one on which the nation may well congra- 
tulate itself, for the latter will alway\ Ic found to coipprehend the 
tormci Those who arc kind to th(u fclJow-ci natures will always 
be found to be also kind and considerate to animals, while, on the 
contrary, those who aie ineicly fond of anima's are known to be 
often averse to children, and to jcare little for the welfare of the 
human race 

The fact IS, the love of animals in itself is very frcciucntly merely 
the liking for them so far as they pander to oxft own sclhsh 
amusements, and in many cases the love extends to them as it does 
0to inanimate objects, our goods and chattels, and no farther So 
much IS this the case that the kindly feeling as to possession goes as 
far as our own elnldreii — that is to say, it is not uncommon to 
meet with persons who are fond of their own children and their own 
dogs, but who care little foi the childien of others The feeling 
alluded to, however, as now spreading over the country is beyond all 
this it IS the love of humanity which is springing up and influencing 
so manj — ^love for those who are not known, and with this comes 
also a feeling for animals, of a higher nature than that possessed by 



those who may love animals only, but who dislike what they call the 
" gutter children '' 

The great antagonism which has recently been shown by rival 
parties as to the operation of the Dog Laws during the present year 
IS a result of an advance of healthy sympathy on the part of the 
majority, causing natural differences with those who arc lagging behind 
On the one side are those who look upon humanity as the first consider- 
ation, and wish to do justice to animals, but not at the sacrifice of the 
people , wliile on the other side are the sentimentalists and dog-fanciers, 
who care little for humanitv, and who find their selfish amusements 
curtailed for the benefit of the public It is actually a case of the 
public generally against a small party, but though so small it is of con- 
siderable position and wealth, and influence with the Press With all 
this antagonism, howeier, there is a steady advance in healthy tone 
There may be a diffeience of opinion as to whether a dog that 
appears to be mad ought to be killed, based upon the question as to 
whethei he is dangerous or not , but all concur that if he is killed 
in public, some method must be devised by which it can be done 
without shocking the fastidious The truncheon, which is given to 
the police to be used upon a man when necessary, is too cruel an 
instrument to be employed on a dog In using the truncheon 
against a man it is considered desirable not to hit him on the head, 
but on the body On the othci hand, if by accident a dog is hit on 
the body instead of on the head, it is at once recorded as cruelty 
Again, if in dispatching a dog an extra blow or two be gi\eu to 
ensure death, ciuclty is immediately charged, though in what it 
consists has not as yet been stated Altogether, the truncheon is 
doomed as the weapon by which a dog is to be dispatched on an 
emergency, though what weapon should be used in its place is yet 
uncertain It is still doubtful also whether the alleged cruelty in 
the action is to the dog, or whether it is not the effect the action 
has upon the refined feelings of children and others jiassing by 

It is interesting to ascertain what kind of action towards 
animals is to be allowed, and the impression -arrived at is 
that with many it is considered a matter of convenience Animals 
may be caught in traps and lose their legs thereby, birds may 
be wounded and allowed to die in the fields, ferrets may have 
irritating muzzles, w ounded hares may be retrieved by dogs, pigs and 4 
calves and other animals may be bled to death , but dogs when found 
mad are not to be hit on the head with a policetojln's truncheon, even 
though the action may save several of the community a horribly 
death from hydrophobia n 

Fortunately this is not the opinion of the public generally The 
sound view of the matter is, that the welfare of humanity is the first 
consideration, and that when human life is in danger from a dog, 
that dog must be rendered innocuous in the most expeditious manner ' 



practicable, it pieseut no better weapon m an emergency tnan the 
truncheon is known ^ 

Among otlici statements itgardmg clogs it has been averred with 
authority that rabies is almost invariably propagated by the bite of 
in aiunial alicadv suffering from the disease, and vaiious theories 
as to its s])icad ha\c been based on this assumption Yet there arc 
tho'^e who still bollc^e in its spontaneous production, and it is not 
more than torn teen ^cars since Mi Fleming stated that " the etiology 
ol labics lias ^ct to be elucid itcd , as it inav be said wc arc m com- 
])lcte ignoi nice of the cueumstauccs on winch its spontaneous pro- 
duction depends,” and again ^ Few \cteimarians now flenj, in an 
absolute manner, the spontaiu ous production ot the malady , yet 
none c ni assign its genesis to any specific cause ” 

Witli thisMcw betorc us it is difficult to eompiehencl how entirely, 
dining the recent preialcnee of labies^ the fact has been lost sight of, 
tint the gciiei il condition of the dogs duiing the pciiod inav have 
had very much to do with the spread of tlu discast 

It seems to have been foi gotten that wink dining oiduiaiy seasons 
dogs bitten by a mad dog might foi the most part csccipe unharmed, yet 
tliat during the rcociit scavou there may have been a pi c disposition 
among dogs to develop the disease This has been particularly 
bi ought out by the fict tint dm mg the pist f( w years epilepsy luis 
increased as labics has incroasid, and that during the past year, while 
tlieie have been so many c isos of rabies there also have been raoie 
cases of epilepsy, with appeal aiicc of madne^^s thus giving the m- 
teiencc that one form of epikps} may be a function of rabies So 
that those who cavil at the pi csent statements of the veterinarians 
are forced into this dilemma — eitliei that the eases of apparent rabies 
which arc declared to be epili psy an actually r ibies m the fust stage, 
or else that v\hile labies is rife epilepsy also becomes epidemic, m 
vihicli latter ease it is clear that tlic prevalence of epilepsy indicates 
a condition of the dog favourable to the spread of rabies 

Before proceeding further, it may appeal dcsiiable to point out that 
the wild and reckless statements that new and more seveie lestnctions 
were placed upon dogs, under the Commissioner’s orders, after the 
1st of April, 1886, arc entirely erroneous There has been no altera- 
tion in the mannei of dealing with dogs under the various Acts for 
many years past The method of proceeding is laid down by law, 
and the police have no option as to varying the process 

The following r^uVns will show the uniformity of proceeding 
during the recent prevalence of rabies — 

Killed in the SUdh nnS l)ogf» Home as rabid 
During the eight months ending March 31, 188G 305 dogs 

„ „ „ commencing April 1, 188C 274 „ 

^Seized in the Hireets and sfnt to Dogs' Home 
During the eight months ending JVfcirch 31, 1886 27,137 dogs 

jj „ „ commencing April 1, 1886 21,682 „ 



This at once disposes of the statement that, during the progress of 
the disease, some new and spceially restrictive measures with rcfci- 
cncc to the dogs were suddenly introduced The same vigorous 
action was pursued thioughout so far as the dog is concerned But, 
on the otlmr hand, owing to the inconsistent decisions of magistrates, 
the owners of dogs iicrc not summoned m any number until June, 
188G, *md it is instructive to notice that the outciy with regard to 
the icstiictions on dogs was raised at the time when tlic owners were 
brought betorc the police courts for not keeping them under control, 
and lapsed at the time that the summonses were discontinued The 
inference IS, that so long as there were only restrictions on dogs, their 
owneis made little or no objection, but as soon as the law was put in 
foiec ag<»inst the owneis, in the interests of the public, to compel 
them to protect the public against their dogs, and as soon as the 
owneis weie ini onvcnienccd b} appearing m the police courts, a 
\iolerit outcrv was raised on behall ot the dog And it is suggestive 
ot the iiismcenty of the arguments nut forward by dog owners as to 
cruelty that in one of the newspapers m which the alleged ciucity 
to dogs was made much of, there were at the same time advcrtise- 
jnents with woodcuts, iii one of which a icnnikabh ciucl mu7/le is 
recommended foi fcirets, and m another a hare is held upm a sports- 
man’s hand, ha\ lug been retrieved aftci a run of halt a mile 

If IS exceedingly amusing to find on looking into tlic records of the 
past relating to rabies, that on each occasion when prc(?autions ha\c 
been taken to prevent its spread, thcic has been an agitation on the 
subject, increasing as the laws passed have been moic rcstiietive bo 
that as the majority pass more shingent measures tlic abuse of the 
Executive foi putting those measures in force is more unmeasured 

In Loudon the disease among dogs has often assumed alarming 
propoitions, g^and cxtraordiii iry precautions have been taken In 
17511-60 madness raged among dogs durifig the wmtei and caily 
spring, and the magistrates issued orders for persons to confine their 
dogs to the house for a month, aud oidered all dogs found at laige 
Jo be destioyed It is said, probably without truth, that a sum of 
tAvo shillings was paid for every dog so killed, and that there were 
dog-hunts through the streets — accounts which probably gaAC use to 
the highly sensational statements fabricated from time to time duimg 
the present year and published in the daily papers 
Through many years of fluctuations rabies again appeared m England 
in 1856 in a very severe foira, and in 186 > it prevailed in and around 
London to an unusual extent, the total number of deaths during the 
year from hydrophobia being 19 

In 1866 the disease again assumed a formidable aspect in England, 
and on April 16 of that year a notice, under the Order m Council for 
the Cattle Plague, was issued as to stray dogs m Middlesex — 

That with a view to prevent the propagation of disease by dogs, 



anj dog found straying about the jurisdiction, and without a collar 
having thr innic pf the*owner on it, may be destroyed 

The Commissioner of Police, however, appears to have declined to 
carry out the ^\ork in so Mholcsale a fashion, and limited the de- 
struction of dogs by the police to those that appeared to|^e mad 

At tins time the Dogs' Home authorities had not taken in liand 
tl/c nieiciful woik of dcstioying useless and ownerless dogs, and 
there was no Act of Parliament referring to the subject The conse- 
quence u ns that stray and starving dogs inf( sted the parks until people 
were much incoiiTcnienccd and even alarmed 

A ladj wilting to the Press at this time states 

“ These poor cre-itures often follow me close, in liopos of a few scraps of 
food 01 few kind v\orda, and iny sympithy foi their misery is mixed with 
terror thnt they may not boabk to resist the temptation of taking a piece ol 
flesh out of my lip I Invc often appealed to a policeman to put a merciful 
end to a wietehed oojcct, but unless the dog is mad he has no power to touch* 
It Some benevolent ladies au getting up a hospital foa neglected dogs, 
Would not a speedy d itli be a moic sensible and merciful arrangement? ” 

When the Mctiopohtan Streets Act was passed in 1867 the Com- 
missioner v\as enabled to diicct all stiay dogs to be seized, and this 
practice his itmaincd in foice continuously to the present time Wc 
have the authority of Mr Flemiug for stating tliat alter this ^^tlic 
number of cases of hydrophobia immediately began to dirninijh m 
and around London 

^Jhe diagiam to be seen at Scotland Yard, showing the number of 
dogs seized monthly since 1868, is au interesting study Up to 1873 
about 10 000 per annum were seized, but lu May 1874 3000 were 
seized, and the total scizuic that year exceeded 10,000, this average 
was maiutaipcd until 1877, when, during the mouth of December, 
there was a sudden rise to 5000, giving a total of 24,000 for the 
year In 1878 the total number seized was ovei 30,0(lt), and in the 
tollowing VC ir 25,000 Prom 1880 to 1881 the numbcis averaged 
about 17,000 per annum Towards the end of 1885 rabies became 
prevalent to so alarming an extent that in December special efforts were 
made, and no less than 9000 dogs were seized, raising the number 
for the vear to over 25,000 During the current year there has been 
a steady decrease in numbcis seized each month, until in November 
the normal number lias been reached The total will probably 
exceed 48,000, but owing to the great number restored to owners, 
the number taken to the Dogs' Home will probably not exceed 

In 1871, rabies showed itself in a truly epizootic and alarm- 
ing manner, on account of which the “Dogs Act, 1871," was 
passed and almost immediately enforced , but apparently not with 
suflicicntlv severe restnctions, as Mi Fleming ascribes the wide and 



serious extension of the epizooty in a grjcat measure to the insuffi- 
ciency of the police racisures adopted in the different towns and 
districts, and to the late period at which they were lutioduced 

Since that time stringent measures have from time to time been 
taken whenever the disease has again appeared in an epizootic 
manner, e^ecially in 1875 and 1883 But owing to the inadequacy 
of the measures tint can be taken, and the strenuous resistance to the 
law by a small minonty, the disease can onh be kept under, ever 
ready to spring up and iigc again as soon as the condition of the 
dog gives it a fair held 

Air Fleming^s proposed precautions arc far more stringent than 
the police ha\e any po>ver to cany out, and arc well wortliy of con- 
sideration, if the disease is to be stamped out Among other proposals 
he savs The destruction of dogs must be c irricd out assiduously 
No dog sliould be allowed to be at large, and all stray dogs should 
be caught and killed irnmcdiatelv, it without a muz/le And he 
gives a word of sciviccable caution to tliose who have pet dogs 
^^Tlic ciuel custom of iiimpoting md over feeding dogs, giving food 
wlueli IS unnatural to them, or in too great quantities, should be 
putuuhily guiiJcd against, and all dogs ought to have a sufficient 
amount of exeicisc 

1 loiii a peiiisal of Mi h leimng^s bviok ibies and Hydrophobia^^) 
it IS difficult to ( oinpielu nd how x dog exu be kept in health m London 
without cithei cruelty to the dog oi gi eat inconvenience to the public, 
i 1(1 this piobahly accounts foi the bittci feeling which aiose for a 
tunc bctvucii tlic public generally and those li.vv who posscs>».d dogs 
It is fuithci app<aicnt tliat, howevci s^ungent the measiiics are 
nixih ill Loiidoii, it is impossible to reduce i ibics bc)ond a certain 
jjoii’t so long as it exists outside, and dogs fiom the exterior die 
able to vvandci into the Metropolitan Police Distiict 

Owing to*thc prevalence of labics iii 18GS Sir Richard Mayne 
issued an oidci, uudei the Metiopolitan Stieets Act, that all 
dugs 111 the stiv^ct should be muz/lcd The publication of this 
order was the signal for dii onslaught upon the Commis- 
sioriei by a gicat portion of the JVess, and it is amusing to 
tind that the letters wiitteii in 1885-G arc almost identical with 
tliose wiilteu in 1803, i»i then wild and groundless accusations, even 
down to the malicious assertion that fees were given to the police for 
every stray dog captured 

In the Daily Telegraphy June 23, " Cynophile wyitcs that Sir 
Richard Majnc, having no occupation just now foi liis Army of 
^lartyrs, has issued an edict, and the Society for the Prevention of 
Cruelty to Animals is called upon to proceed against him 

The Standai d alludes to the “ Dog Slaughtei The Daily NeW 9 
suggests that stray dogs have been secured by means of a reward of 



threepence to sixpence, but does not suggest who furnishes the money 
The Daily Icky/aph, July 2, 1868, begins an article ^‘Without 
delay the Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals must 
prosecute Sir Richard Mayne A yelp of anguish, a howl of despair, 
a moan of cntieaty is heard in the streets of Loudon, and makes all 
Inimane persons ashamed to look their own dogs in the face , four- 
footed friends arc torn ruthlessly away if not accompanying their 
masters or mistiesses/^ &c 

The City Pttss^ July 1 ^^The Dog Ukase of Sir Richard Mayne 
Ins been generally condemned as useless for purposes of protection 
to the public and chiefly injurious to the eaniiie object of it 
The Lancet y Jul} 12, has an irticlc on “ Lcgili/cd Ciuclty ” 

It appears that periodically London is seized with a panic, severe 
r..strictions arc called for, and immediitely they aic imposed and the 
evil IS mitigated, the Executive ire roundly abused for doing that 
which the law calls upon them to perfoim 

It docs not appcai. to be gcuei illy known that while the seizing 
ut dogs in the mctiopolis can be logiilatcd by the Commissioner, the 
killing of mad dogs icsts with the const iblc By the Act of Parliament, 
the Older under which the police olhetr acts is mandatory, and if he 
has reasonable grounds for supposing i dog to be mad when at large 
in the streets, and dangerous, he is bound to kill it 

The numbei of mad dogs foaiid in the stiects of London fluctuates 
fiom year to vear and from mouth to month, and the monthly diagiani 
since 1879 IS most instructive It shows a gradual iiicicise vear by 
year up to the present year, and it shows also that the number 
invariably falls about Februaiy and rises again to July or August, 
except under abnormal conditions, as m 1885 

In every year the maximum in the hot weather is foui or five 
times the minimum in the cold wc ithei 

It IS not supposed that all these eases are cases of tiae rabies, but 
sufficient has been seen during the past year to make it appear veiy 
certain that in addition to the ordinal y cases of epilepsy there is also 
a disease pronounced to be epilepsy, in which the dogs when alive 
appear to have rabies, and after death arc said to have had epilepsy 
During tlie past six months there has been a posUmo^ tern examina- 
tion on nearly every dog killed as rabid With regard to the year 
1885, there were two high periods, in July and again m November, 
the number of dogs killed as mad being over fifty m each mouth , m 
March, 1886> the number fell to about fifteen, then again rose 
in July and August to over fifty, and then rapidly declined, m# 
November it reached the normal condition of former years Owing 
to the prevalence of rabies on the outskirts of London it is probable 
that the disease may be again introduced m April or May, and 
stringent measures may then be necessary 



Probably tbc most encom aging aspect of the results of the Bog 
Regulations is to be obtained from the returns of the Registrar- 
General For the year ending the 31st of March, 1886, the deaths 
from hydrophobia amount to tliirty-one, there being seventeen deatlis 
in the lour months August to November Since the 1st of April, 
1886, there appear to have been only five deaths from hydiophobia 
Another interesting fact is that gi\en by Mr Sewell, veterinary 
surgeon, who has mide the post-nun tem examinations On the dogs 

lulled as mad during the last six mouths He states that last year 

he had to attend privately seventy-nine cases of rabies m dogs, 

whereas in the ycai with tin muzzling order in force he has only 

had twelve cases His evidence also is that a lieavy blow on the head 
stuns a dog, and it can then be dispatched by repeated blows , and 
he is of the opinion that the disease might be stamped out by com- 
pulsory use of the mu/zlc 

Little h IS been said on the subject of muzzling dogs, because tins 
depends upon the decision of the magisfrates in each case as to the 
meaning of under control,^' but it is obvious that the Dogs Act is 
for piotection against dogs, and not merely a restiiction on dogs 
With thism view, it is easy t!b deduce the amount of contiol necessary 
to hinder a dog when m the sticets fiom hitmg a passer-by If a dog 
IS racrclj mu/zlcd he miy stiay away, get his muzzle oft, and then 
bite, if he is nicicly led he may bite at will it is therefore elcir 
that for the puiposcs of the Act a dog is not so under control that 
he cannot bite any person unless he is both muzzltd and ltd 

The practice, Lowevci, has been to allow all muz/led dogs to 
wander at laigc while the ordei under the Act has been in force, unless 
they appear to be ill or starving, when they are taken to the Home 
There is no regulation iiiu//lc, and no special form of muz/lc 
appears ever to have been approved All that has been required is 
that the muzzle should secure tbc jiublic from the bite of the dog, 
and, at the same time, that it should not subject the dog to crueltv 
There are many forms of wire muzzles which meet the requirements, 
but few leather muzzles appear to do so 

It IS most giatifying to find that, while so many cases of self-sac- 
rihce and devotion have occurred among police officers in shielding 
the public from mad dogs during the late prevalence of the disease, 
no case of unnecessary hardship has occurred to the dogs seized or 

In four or fi^e cases allegations of cruelty have been made, but in 
each case they have been proved to be entirely unfounded 

It IS to be noted that at the time rabies has been nearly extirpated 
about London, it is still prevailing in the surrounding districts, and 
will continue to do so until some common action can be taken 
throughout the country 

Charles Warren 


ha\c all read an admiiiblc treatise fiom the hand of a gifted 
’ ^ periTvoinan, slashing at all oui hopes, and attempting to destroy 
the 'very fihric of the movement for the Highci Education of Women 
And wherefore ? Because — we gather from her aigurnent — it means 

loss of money, tune, and, above all things, strength A highly 
educated woman, we are told, is incapacitated for her natural 
functions She is a woman destroyed, a man not made All her 
finer and more valu«ible attiibutcs aie blurred She is unsatisfying 
as a companion, Avortliless as a wife, incapable as a mother A girl's 
phjsical strength can never ciiiy her bravely through the arduous 
struggle for hoiiouis, degrees, and piofcssor^hips, and land her safclv 
at the othei side jMental success must be obtained at the loss of 
ph\siral powers A girl is weaker, phjsically, mcntallj, inordly, 
than a man , therefore she must take the lowest scat 

Of course the actual facts as to the i dative numbers of boys and 
girls who fail from over-pressure in biainwork have been already 
error eously stated by a man, and ably proved to be so by a woman 
That part of the argument is finished Our attention is now 
obtrusively drawn to a lower field AVe would fain have passed 
over the ignoble theme, but vve are called upop to face the facts of 
the disastrous system of education which has till lately prevailed 
We are told a woman's highest aim is to he a good animal Un- 
doubtedly to be a good animal is one of the requisites of successful 
living But 18 it life altogether? Without infringing on 
royal pierogative, have women not a right to live — to live as beings 
answerable for their all ^ Our opponent sajs, and others have said 
before her, There is one sphere for woman’s thought and work and 
action But when we come to inquire what it is, it appears that 


the one sphere 13 that of wife, mother, and household drudge 
Perhaps these Professors of the Lower System of Educatiou know of 
some sphere for women^s souls If so, their discreet silence is to be 
commended We might have supposed that the domestic sphere did 
not include all the thought of which even a woman is capable But 
no , there is a sharp line drawn , so far can they advance, but here 
they must stop No further, say the new King Canutes We ask 
IS this compatible with human nature ^ Is tlicie any point at which 
humanity can stand still, intellectually, socially, mentally, morally ^ 
No, we pros:ress or retrograde Towards what shall mo\e? is 
the only question 

Now the progress of the Lower System of Education does not 
seem to tend towards improvement The aim seems to be to teach 
women to suit themselves to others’ requiicmeuts, because their well- 
being depends on others^ approval A woman^s laudable ambition, 
say this school of philosophers, is first to become a wife, forget- 
ting that the desiie to become a wife does not necessarily include 
the desire to become a good wife The direct road to become a 
wife is not bv the development of the intellect, but by the develop- 
ment of certain feminine qualities, bad and good A girl is to 
cultivate her love of dress, her taste foi frivolities, her desue to 
please Hci life must embody soft pleasure, tliat she may be the 
embodiment of it to a sterner companion What does a feminine 
life imply in these ppople^b mouths Vanity, ease, luxuiy, dissipa- 
tion to the prescribed amount , lack of method, disrespect of time, 
carelessness of everything Little failings incidental to those of the 
weaker sc\ are to be condoned, and little weaknesses made gieiter, 
for by their weakness they shall rule Haphazard, aimless, lielpless, 
women^s lives must be , for their help comes from without They 
are not strong enough, pool things, to fight lifers battle They must 
find some one to fight it for them But does their taste for amusement 
and frivolities always stop when they have gained the husband? Is 
the desire for admiration, sometimes grown into a craving, alw’^ays 
satisfied m the humdrum domestic career for which the Professors 
of the Lower System are so anxious that girls should be carefully 
prepared^ Have these women any serious thoifghts and worthy 
studies to fall back upon when they are once settled ? They 
know nothing of all that They were only taught to win racn^s 
admiration, to gratify their own desires Why should mairiage 
change them ? ^ There is no terminus m the education of human 
character , there arc only stations 

We have read, too, the ardent philippics on energies strained and 
frames exhausted by mental work but although an equal number of 
constitutions are juined bv physical exertion there is no way cry 
raised because of that Where are the lamentations about over- 




dancefl girls, ovci -dressed giils, oier-driven girls, over-dissipated girls ? 
What of the i\caiy dinners, the over-heated theatres, the glaring 
ball-rooms’ What of moinings begun at mid-day, of afternoons 
harassed with the desire of getting through in one day a week^s 
social duty, of dajs sjient in racketing railway travelling for two 
da>s^ giddy visit to a fasliioiiablc house’ Is this the life that will 
make stiong women to be the mothers of a giant race ? 

Putting aside the facts that Avomen desiic some happiness of their 
own, and that they prcfci to find it tliemsches without having arbitrary 
rules liul down foi them , putting aside the question whether a present 
generation of one sex is to be entirely sacrificed for a future genera- 
tion of the other, let us consider the dicta I ud down for us by the 
ad\ocatcs of the Lowei Sjstem “ Women aie made and meant to be, 
not men, but mothers of men A noble Aiife, i noble mother, &c 
True most true, but what aie the means to the end ’ Should w e set out 
Avith the object of making a good ivife oi a good mother before wc 
have considered how to make a good woman ^ IIow do we get good 
human character’ Is it not by the eultuation of all higher attii- 
butes, and the suppiession of all lower’ Is it not by the develop- 
ment of all the faculties, the inci cased desire foi all good’ Wt arc 
told, to be good avi\cs and mothers, women must sink the race in the 
indnidual, and crave, not all good, but the good of husband and 
childien And yet at the same time women are not to cxcit them- 
selves, but to push on others to get it foi them , to be, m fact, the 
spur for the AVxlling horse It is a capital sketch of the old fashioned 
idea of a woman, but wc decline to admire or endoisc it The 
inrlmdual good — decidedly , accoiding to one of oiii best ethical 
schemes, if each man is happv, Avho shall be miseiablc'^ Neither 
men nor women aie conducing to the general good when tlicj 
shut up their own house to mind their neighbour's shop This 
essential for good wifedom is also an essentiil for good womanhood 
The individual first nations and races are formed of men and 
women, not of droves of cattle We Avant good characters 
Will good characters ever be formed by helpless, dependent lives ’ 
Do great individuals spring from a cowed and conquered people ’ 
lict a ruler be appointed by a people, let a husband be chosen 
by a woman , but woe to the people who think they can live by 
the bounty of their king, and that their own independence, their 
OAfn endeavour are nothing, and woe to the Avoman who thinks of 
her husband likewise Look at the inmates of the workhouse, 
the paupers who cringe and fawn What eflFect has that depend- 
ence on character’ Yet the noble Avife is to spring from a training 
not very different All her life long she has iievcr tasted the 
bread of independence She waits whmingly for others to provide 
all that she requires, and hangs her whole weight upon some one 



man, fromr necessity, not choice Why does a man^s opinion 
immediately suggest a broad, well-balanced view, while the term 
feminine implies in most cases something weak and contemptible ? 
Does it mean that man's vicea are noble, and ivoman's virtues, faults ^ 
No, it means that a man has been trained and educated by the 
struggle of life* Each generation of men starts at a higher stage of 
development than the last , while women, so far as their minds and 
characters go, ha\e been left uncultured, and in the general affairs of 
life they have made no progress worth speaking of 

But in spite of this advance, we say — nay, lathcr in consequence 
of it, men have bv no means outgiown ‘^uch failings as tjrannv 
and a desire for domination And in spite of the rosv views of men 
to be found in the article in question, we aieafiaulit is not quite old- 
fashioned to suppose that men still wish to make women dependent 
upon them and subject to tlieir wishes This is natural enough The 
affairs of the world are ( arried on by self-reliance and love of power 
These qualities aie kept in check in the sphere that has dc\ eloped 
them, but at home, thioiigh want of independence and self reliance 
in woman, they have liecome things w ith even uglier names On the 
other hand, wc are told, women aic puffed up with inordinate vanity, 
their little knowledge appears to them the height of wisdom, toi their 
unieasonableness has no experience but a domestic om to temper it 
They think they can rule and decide in eiery sphere because they 
are quite aware that in the one sphere they are fai more experienced 
than men But arc these the faults of Higher Education ^ Who 
would select as his general adviser a man who knew only one 
sphere of life How can women on such a system be ever the 

useful companions to men whom our idversanes so much admire ^ 
AVomcn,” siy they, do not desire emancipation” It is true 
Tley ha\e iievei been slaves What they do desire is education, 
education that will enable them to find happiness within them- 
selves, that will give them glad hours, bright dreams, and noble 
ambitions, undei whatever roof they may call their home They 
desire intellecfual preparation for intellectual intercourse — if needs 
be, stimulated by competiiion But they do not intend because of this 
to give up all claim to the happy life ordained fofthem as companions 
to men On the contiary, they wish to become better fitted for that 
life than they are at present They wish to enable themsches to 
enter into all men^s views and thoughts They wish to live with 
them as rational beings, as classmates in the school of life, though 
one may perhaps be on the higher, the other on the lower, form 
This IS better than tnat men and women should be foes, forced to be 
allies in order that each may fight more successfully forliis or her selfish 
interest It ;s better for a woman to look on all good men as her 
friends — one dearest and best of all — than to look oh all men as foes, 



to be b'lttled with according to the rules of the lists, m order that 
one may be out-manoeuvred and captured by a strategy that it is a 
lift's work to learn and to put into execution And men and 
women can iievei work side by side uqjess the ground, whether for 
battle or foi pioduction, is the same , nor can they be either worthy 
allies 01 useful fellow-labourers, unless they have together prepared 
a jjlan of campaign, and together considered* the work that needs 
doing and the means that are ready to hand 

Again, say our opponents, while women have been clamour- 
ing men ha\c been advancing They have no longer any petty 
feelings of jealousy They only desire what is best for all, not 
what IS best for men We wish we could honestly think so But 
it would be contiary to all experience of human nature that men 
should not feci thcraselvcs injured by finding women in the held to 
increase the competition already felt to press \cry sorelj Yet in 
other matters men still have tlicir eyes half shut Thej»^ still think 
it IS well for a woman to marry for a subsistence, for a home, for a 
champion, and not for love So well that it appears to men to outweigh 
all the saciifice Alen prefer to be foes out-manocuvred into matri- 
mony lather than the best of fi lends This may read well enough 

in romances, and pic ise the cai in tinkling rhyme But how is it in 
fact? Try this sjllogism Men are loved because they aic strong, 
all racu are stioiig, therefore they may all be loved Or, again 
Women are to be weak Compaied to men they are to be «is moon- 
light unto sunlight'' and as Miatcr unto wine" But does real 
virtue, not that of the glass-house and conservatory sort, require no 
strength, and are our noble wives and mothers " to fare no better 
in education or m life than the heroine of Lockslcy Hall ^ 

Theic IS one question, asked m the article which has given rise to this 
protest, too amusing to he '*pas«cd over It is asked m reference to 
Lady Jane Grtv, who wanders like a ghost, poor creature, thiough this 
control ersv — not surclv as a punishment for a too vaulting ambition 
Lady Jane Grey is admitted to have been a happy, or at least unob- 
jection ible, instance o£ a learned woman But, adds the writer, do 
we admiic her education or her character^ We are tempted to ask 
in reply, AVhat is the idea of education in the minds of the adherents 
of the Lower Svstcin ^ Does not education form character? Would 
the character of Lady Jane Grey, or of anybody else, have been the 
same if the education had been different? Should wc have admired 
her character as wc do if she had been brought up a washerwoman, 
or as maid-of-hoDOur to Queen Catherine de Medici ? We are striving 
for education m order to the better formation of character We 
want to stay th^notous growth of frivolous, worthless, and unhappy 
women Of course, if women could be pitchforked into life with all 
their finer attributes and qualities full grown, we should have nothing 



more to say But we assert that the attributes and qualities so much 
desired cannot be obtained for a girl by priming her with accom- 
plishments and just a sufficient smattering of knowledge to make her 
an agreeable but not too intelligent companion for men, and then 
turning her loose at the age of eighteen, or before it, to find the 
particular man whom in the wisdom of Providence, or more probably 
by the want of wisdom of her educators, she is destined to accept as 
a husband Education is the development of faculties, the motive 
power, the basis of character When we want a musician we do not 
put a fiddle in a boy^s band and tell him to work till he can play 
second in the orchestra, and at the same time take lessons in drawing , 
we put the instrument in his hand and tell him to do his best and 
study everything that will tend to make him a good musieian It is the 
same for a life-worker, a life-artist, as surely we wish a woman to be * 
We must give her education, which is her instrument, and tell her 
to do her best, to study, to develop her faculties, her talents, her 
powers Wc cannot say, at any fixed point in her development 
So far IS good, beyond that is bad The aim must be at the 
highest point, howe>er far short the accomplishment may come M e 
care for the woman’s character, not for what she does — say the 
cavillers Yes, but the doing makes the character 

And what is the remedy which the advocates of the Lower System, 
through Mrs Lynn Linton, propose ^ They admit tliat there is 
a difficulty as to womcn^s cmplovmcnt II ow do tliey meet it^ 
The scheme is simple, they condemn tvomcn to manual labour 
They may be tinkers, tailois, portmantcau-makeis, or anj thing 
of that kind IVc gather that they may covci toys with poisonous 
paint at 2s a week, and yet oiu philosophcis would not exclude 
them from the highest society Nothing is degrading to women 
so long as it is not intellectual Oui noble wives and mothers 
arc not strong enough foi quiet study oi intellectual excitement in 
a wcll-aiicd lecture room, but thev may stand for twelve hours at a 
stretch behind a countci in a diaughtjr and ill- ventilated shop 
They may strain ^yes and injfurc weary backs over sewing There 
is no danger, apparently, of destioying fair young faces, of blunting 
fine feelings, of dccieasiug Mtal foice, by such a profession as ^hat 
of the theatre Women may be the hangers on of fashion, and mav 
minister, without danger to themselves, to its shifting whims in every 
department And all this with the hope, distinctly held out to them 
by the article bcfoie us, that peihaps if they make themselves ^e^y 
pleasant, tlie countesses and dames for whom they dcvi&e their dainty 
costumes may even — not treat them as intelligent companions , but — 
agiee to meet them on equal terms at balls and dinners ” Women 
may do all this, and verily they would have tlieii reward But there 
IS one thing a woman may not do She may not be independent She 



may depend upon i husband, or upon a fashion in flowers or jackets, 
but she must not bo misticss of her own destiny , above all, she must 
not think 

Ale arc told that the true uav to help women is to receive work- 
ing women into society, and the writer maivels why men shop- 
kccpcri» are icccncd, but not milliners or lady shopkeepers The 
idea betrajs the essential narrowness of the Lowei School, and 
+lic icmedv is somewhat of a specific Still, the reason why men 
have risen from the earth is not far to seek Apart from the 
innate lulgaiity which worships wealth, iiid would associate with 
its tailor, or even its dustman, on that ground, irresnectivc of any 
mental qualifit ations, the reason whv men who have risen are 
icceuvd into intelligent society has always been that they have 
something to contiibiitc Their biith ma\ be nothing, then eauca- 
tioii mav be self acciuircd , but they ha\c got something in the 
struggle of life whicli is \aluable to others They become friends 
of men of genius or talent because tbej ha\e fitted themsehes to be 
so It was not by dependtnee on others that these men rose , they 
mav not liavc been educated, but at least they weic allowed to educate 
themselves Ilns is the liberty wliich^wc claim foi worntn 

But tins IS a much laiger question than i quistiou of any 
society, London or piovincial, leirnid or Irnoloiis Wc not only 
ask that women niaj he allowed to g(t then own living m spite of 
the hnc feelings of fathers and bio^hcrs Isot only do we go so far 
as to think a lady luight be peifeclly happy even if she had given up 
socictv TJicic is a wider question th lU this We admire oui 
sistei who carries on the niillineiS sliop as much as our brothci who 
rises from the lauks But we object to tin idea that women's woik 
must be confined to manual labour, entiicly for the same reasons as 
we sh(>uld object to be tied to i«'«ocia^e with none but self-educated 
men Anything is better thin (kpcndcncc on others, either for 
man oi woman But are vie to allow our ideal of womanhood to be 
cxclii^'iiely shaped on the- ideals of tin workshop and the counter:^ 
Is the taint of money-making, uncountbracted by ideas, to cover ovci 
and blot out all that is fair and beautiful m tlic minds oi women ^ 
Arc the attributes of the merchant and the travelling agent to be the 
exclusive models of women who work for their living? Will thci^e 
employments, better than intellectual ones, fit them to he the, com- 
panions of our best men and the teachers of our most hopeful 
children ? Is man, who devotes his life to art, thought, or 
scientific discovery, to be satisfied with a wife who is either a frivolous 
society doll, or a sweet and patient drudge, or a woman with the 
ideas of the shopman with whom he would find no pleasure in 
associating ? Are the great men who are to be born m the future, 
if onlv women will refrain from study, to be guided by the remem- 



brance of their motlier^s face, as she appeared m powder and paint 
in somo stupid vaudeville before a cheering theatre , are they to gaze 
admiringly on the trade gesticulation, or to listen lovingly to tales 
of sharp bargains and skilful adulteration ^ 

Women whose characters have been formed by mechanical laboui, 
unmitigated by higher education, are, accoiding to these thinkers, 
to be the mothers of the Uacons and Goethes of the future They 
object to over-pressure So do we , but we object to it in any 
direction^ and if in one direction more than another it would 
be in the direction from which comes least general profit, that of 
the mechanical and the material Our faery leveller Avould abolish 
all grades of rank and breeding and i educe women to one dead level 
of unmtellectual pursuit Men uould alone be in possession of 
thought and knowledge, and would foim au aristociacy of culture 
This is rank auarcliy and demoralization How under such a system 
Could a philosophei of the Lower System obtain a hearing even for 
criticism of her own sex ^ We maintain, on the contrary, that the 
eflort for liighei education is simply an eflort to secure in the case 
of women what has always been the ease with men Women^s ideals 
should be formed, as mcn^s have been, by those who have li\cd out of 
the roar of traffic, out of the glaie of politics, far from the influence 
of mobs, away from the contaramation of commerce and the drudgery 
of manual labour The women we want to foirn women^s ideal of 
education arc women with calm, well-balanced minds and hallowed 
hearts, equal to men m ideas and mental prowess, if inferior to them 
in mental, because in physical, enduiancc, and perhaps making up in 
spiritual insight loi then lack of physical stiength Tins is the goal 
towaids which we invite all women to stri\e whose po‘«itJon is fortu- 
nate enough to enable them to do so Happily, m spite of the Lower 
plan of Education for wom*en, tlie road is plain and the gates are 
already open , and it requires no gift of prophecy to foresee the time 
when'*highly educated women may be taught to study some stranded 
philosopher of the Lower System, long reduced to a fossilized con- 
dition, as we now study the extinct creatures ot the mud period of the 
carth^s history 

Helen McKerlH: 


I S it remembered bow in August last Mi Parnell foietoldthat if the 
Gorcrumcut did not take mcasuies to rtlic\o tbc Insli tenants, 
not only Mould there be a disturbed and troubled winter in Ireland, 
but that before long Sir Michael Ilicks Beach would be treading the 
same miserable path towards repression which led to the rum of so 
many of las predecessors ^ At the time, of course, the entire Ministerial 
following derided the false prophet The Dissentient Liberals were 
above all loudest in their mockery, jet only four months have gone 
by and arrests and prosecutions aic once more the commonplaces of 
the time Not that any Jiishmaii is m the least disturbed by the 
stormmg and threatening of a landlord L\ccutivc, least of all the 
hardened sinners who arc the latest to be indicted , but it is to be 
hoped that the occuircnccs which have Ifrought about the collapse of 
so much boTsting over the case with which a certain statesmanship 
could govern Ii eland, without rcsoit cither to stick oi sugar^itick, . 
will at least irapo'^e some modesty on the ^prentice hands of the 
Combuation and iiielmc the oiiponciits of conciliation to less dog- 
matism in then pronouncements on Irish affairs 

Now that the Government his entered on its career of champion- 
ship of the cvictois and extortioners of the island, we shall ol course 
be told that firmness and vigour and determination arc all 
that are required to secure a complete triumph over w hat is described 
as lawlessness and disorder 'lliis would be refreshing and consoling if 
the story were not so old ^ Docs Secietary Beach, for instance, believe 
in the encouraging shouts of those who arc at tins moment hallooing 
him on at his quarry i Does he know exactly whithey he is going ? Or 
does las mind revert to that January afternoon, six years ago, when 
another Chief Secretary stood at the table of the House expounding 
his new Coercion Bill, and amidst the shaggv muttenngs of his wrath 



agaiust dissolute ruflSans ” and village tyrants and mauvais 
svjets ** letting fall in a sad sort of aside, that cry of despair — I think 
we have all pretty ^\ell given up prophesying about Ireland The 
remark was in itself the best answer to his demands for unlimited arrests 
as a means of pacification, but Lord Salisbury’s mentors, not having 
had Mr Foriter’s experience, cannot be expected to show any signs of 
want of confidence m their specifics One would think vte had not 
heard of them all befoie, and that what in 18G6 Mr Bright called 
^^that ever-poisonous and cvcr-failing medicine/^ was a cordial 
now piescribed to the patient for the first time For how many 
generations have statesmen of a similar faith promised their 
believers the vision of a Hibernia Pacata, as the result of their 
ministrations, and for how many generations has the prospect eluded 
and mocked their hopes like a mirage ^ 

We are now in the Jubilee year of Her Majesty the Queen, but at 
the end of half a century which has done such great things for the 
British people, how much neaier arc we to peace m Ireland ^ If Her 
Majesty could be questioned as to her recollection of the Celt of 1837, 
would she be able to declare that he was a whit more reconciled now 
than then to the rule of what Mr Chamberlain dcsciibcs as alien 
boards and foieign officials?^’ The dreadful agitator, but for whom 
all would be peace and plenty, who was the pest of her adviseis iii 
1837, 18 then pest stil! Ills name only is changed With weary 
feet he grinds at the same eternal treadmill, and his crimes against 
society and civilization arc denounced m the same sliain with undi- 
minished zeal by new gtiiciations of Englisli politicians The same 
threadbare tiagedy holds the boards The actois alone arc different 
Doubtless the anti-Irish statesmen of the present day will be 
ready enough to admit that there was something m the cc||Acntion of 
the older agitators whom their fathcis stoned My Loids Salisbury 
iind Hartingtou do not advocate, for instance, the repeal of Emanci- 
pation, th( rc-imposition of the Tithes, the rc-establishment of the 
Ii isli Church, the abrogation of tbe Ballot Act, the restriction of the 
Franchise oi the destruction of the lights which the tenant has 
acquired in the soil It is even not unfashionable amongst their 
followers to speak in praise of O’Connell, while the Young Irclandrrs 
of ’48 were of couise all gentlemen” as compared with the out- 
laws and pioscripts of the present time The latter-day agitator, 
however, turns to the literature gf the period in which these dead 
Irishmen lived, and in the venom with which the men whose con- 
tentions are now established were then assailed, finds balm for his 
wounds Mayhap, even he is audacious enough to think that if 
the present generation passes away, leaving the fate of his country 
still unsettled, the anti- Irish politicians of a coming age will see 
something to deplore m the unyielding resistance to every demand 
with which, A D 1886, the moderate claims of Ireland were met 



The confidence^ however, which each cycle of repressive statesmen 
show 111 their theory of the art of Government is very notable A 
little while and again a little while and all will be well Tiue, the 
democracy, of late years, tiling somewhat of these everlasting jiredic- 
tioijs, sho\\s rcstivcness and an inclination to enforce the ancient 
Caitli igini'iii penalty against defeated generals So it h^s come that 
the bangrado who now prescribes for Ireland, being either over- 
anxious lor his reputation, or so little assuicd ot the virtues of his 
]nnacca, will only wairant its efficacy if “ resolutely pursued foi 
twenty jeais ” Looking back, therefoie, over the list of statesmen 
who ha\e advised on Iiclind during the reign of the Queen, Lord 
Salisbury must be set down as the weakest and least confident 
medioine-mau of the \i(torian eia Foi a great opening, truly, 
would arise foi remunerative soothsaying it the seer (wdio was fee’d 
out of hand) weie allowed twenty ycars^maigiii for the tulfilmont of his 
prophecies * Yet the British public, with centuries of failure staring 
them in the face, allows Loid Salisbury to set out on his mission to 
out^hiriej by the lustic of his st itesmanslup, such feeble impostors as 
juui Ilcnivs, Johns, Ed\iaids, hli/abcths, Cromwells, Williams, 
Geoigcs, and so foith, indso, in the seven hundred and filtccuth yon 
of the mimed happiness ot Great Biitiiu and Ireland wc are enter- 
tained with the enjoyments of the Salisbuiy hoiicvmoon ^ 

Four months only of the twenty ycais of firm and resolute Govern- 
mtnt having gone over, it wcie, perhaps, to inquue too curiously, 
to speculate whether eacli of tlic lifty-nine periods of tour months 
each tint remain of the twenty years is to be studded witli iiicideuts, 
sucli as the evictions, riots, piosccutioiis, panel-quaslmigs, and 
niai^oies which have illustiated the prologue of the piece Ferhaps 
Im Lordshjm has formed no intentions as to the remaining nineteen 
years anonwo-tlnrds , perhaps he fancies the Irish enemy will be 
cowed and piostrate before it expires, oi will amiably icform The 
matter is lett at large But this at least must be said tor the pre- 
lude to our twenty years’ novitiate, that in little more time than it 
took Mr Gladstone to produce a constitution toi Ireland which 
satisfied five-sixths of the Irish people at home and abroad, Loid 
Salisbury has succeeded in rousing the disaffection, contempt, 
and ridicule of all these persons towards his Government^ and 
with this, the hatred and scorn of the remaining sixth, for whose 
behoof he is supposed to be labouring A reward might lycll be 
offered for the production of any Inshman (not a paid servant of the 
Castle) who would applaud the statcsmauship which, having described 
the movement of millions of people against hunger and homelessness 
as “ organized embezzlement,’^ would then send its agents on the sly to 
the landlords to caution them that if certain evictions were earned 
out, adequate police protection would be refused Perhaps even the 



paid senrants of the Castle themselves would shrink from un- 
qualified laudation of a Prime Minister who, having denounced in 
1883 certain proceedings in the Queen^s Bench under the statute of 
Edward III, as an unconstitutional device of antiquarian lawyers, 
would then himself require his o\in law officers to soil their hands 
with the same musty implements The opponents of the Gladstonian 
settlement have been driven to resort to methods which their own 
friends m Ireland well Know no Liberal administration date think 
of Their Kerry inissioneis made a treaty with the alleged criminals 
of that region, more signal and notorious than any compact of Kil- 
mamham , to General Bullcr, w as given m charge the intimidation of 
the landlords, vice Captain ^Moonlight superseded, and the cdiets of 
the local Eibbon tribunals weie much more effectually enforced by a 
County-couit judge sent down ad hoc from the Castle Then, 
appalled by the outcry and the Fiankenstem they had created, 
General Bullcr is recalled, and i suitable vacancy found for him by a 
decree which transported Sii Robert Hamilton to Van Diemen^s 
Land One county, liowever, had been pacihcd, as Gordon pacified 
tlie Soudan, by tearing the Koioba^h from the hands of the slave- 
driver and laying it on the shouldcis of the Pashas themselves , but 
when the loar of landlord indignation paralyzed the work, there 
remained thirty-one Irish counties still un Bullcri/cd 

Irish politicians, therefore, demand why the Kerry policy, if it 
was just and lawful, was not extended or why the remaining 
thiity-ono counties should be harried by rack-renters because of 
the dearth of Moonlighteis in tlicir populations? The Executive 
boasted through its Secretary at Bristol that it was putting every 
pressure on the landlords to gne abatements, but always within 
the law but this pressure having m some cases failed, Sir M 
Beach turns round and arrests his co-workeis who could not avail 
themselves of the Kerry curb for putting similar pressure (which 
they also assert to be always within the law) on landlords who 
proved deaf to Castle admonitions What would be thought in 
England if the Government sent its agents round amongst the gentry 
dropping hints about then exactions, reducing their police protec- 
tion, and threatening to cut it off completely if a ceitain line was^ 
not taken to oblige Ministerialists^ And then, when the gentry 
grew mutinous, what would be said of the plan of appeasing them 
by prosecuting the respectful imitators of the Government policy ^ 
For what right has Sir Michael Beach to put “ pressuie," within dr 
without the law, on landlords to refrain from exacting those contribu- 
tions afterjirards glorified as their just and lawful debts ? And 
who constituted him judge uf the boasted legality of this 
loudly advertised “piessurc,^^ of which the men of Bristol were 
told? Tested by its reception by the landlords, one would 



say, from their protests in the Times, that it was as unwelcome 
to them as if it proceeded direct from Rory of the Hills him- 
self Blit, abo\c allj if pressure mav legally be brought to bear 
to restrain tlie enforcement of what are poetically known as the 
“ solemn contracts of the tenants, coming as such pressure does, 
from quaitcrs picturesquely described by Mr Chamberlain as " alien 
boards and foieign officials maintained by 30,000 bayonets,^^ why 
may not the native authorities who legally and morally represent 
popular power endeavour to sustain this useful pressure at the point 
where the Beach dynamics faiP To prevent or suspend the 
enforcement of solemn contracts ** or just debts " by any means 
is cither legal or illegal, and if the debts are just and the contracts 
solemn, the last persons to impair the validity of the rights of the 
obligee should be the constituted guardians of authority But if Sir 
Michael Hicks Beach may guc himself a license of examination and 
inspection into these nice matters, why may not Mr William 
O’Brien or Mr John Uillon ^ 

It may be pleided in abatement of the lush Sccrctarv’s attack 
on rights which we understand arc pait of the fundamental bases 
of society, that he did not proceed to extremes, or that if he found 
the landlord intractable he went his way and left him in the 
unimpaired enjoyment of his saered possessions A poor defence 
For the extiemes to which he went in the exercise of the dispensing 
power is a matter of controveisy between the landlords and General 
Buller or Captain Pliinket — the transactions bciug mostly hidden 
from the naked eye beyond the reach of criticism And as to 
the second excuse, can it be contended if the exercise of any 
right becomes so noxious to the public as to demand Executive 
pressure to restrain its enforcement, that when this fails or is 
set at nauglit, or is cased off, the threatened community may not 
pioceed to rcapplj it in a more effeetue foim^ Ihc entire Tory 
and TJniouist alliance went on its knees, so to speak, during the 
autumn to iraploie the rack-rcuters to model atioii Lord Hartington 
made Ins appeal in the House of C^ommons while supporting the 
rejection of Mr Pariieirs Relief Bill Loid Randolph Churchill at 
^Dartmoutli declared his confidence in their generosity and good 
sense Lord Salisbury wvs equally certain that none of them would 
piove unreasonable Did these noble lords consider the alternative 
if their remonstrances failed ^ M ere the tenants then quietly to 
submit to the inevitable ^ Ministerial appeals notwithstanding, it 
was found that many landlords were holding out, and then Sir M 
11 Beach pt Bristol boldly enunciated his pressure scheme for 
such of them as needed it This too failed, and its failure was the 
justification of the Plan of Campaign ” For, so far back as the 
20tb of March last, the Times and Sir James Caird announced 



it IS not too much to say that the lental of 538,000 holdings is 
practically irrecoverable by anybody, vvhether landlord, English 
Government, or Irish Government” This declaration left only 
121,000 holdings unaffected, yet, with a bad harvest since then, and 
produce of all kinds still lower in price, it is calmly assumed to be 
a conspiracy to take means for the protection of the threatened 
tenants in the most distressed areas 

The Plan of Campaign having been proclaimed as illegal, Eng- 
lishmen are now told, with the omniscience and assurance which 
distinguishes their instructors on Irish questions, that all Irish 
tenants ha\e had their rents fixed by an impartial tribunal, which 
carefully calculated for tliera a rental on which they could live and 
thrive, and that their position involves no hardship whatever Will 
it, therefore, be believed that, out of nearly 700,000 agricultural 
tenancies, only 90,000 were able to go into court? True, 85,000 
more registered rents fixed by what the Land Act humorously 
described as agreements between the parties, which means that 
the landlord compelled indebted tenants to accept about half the 
reduction which the Courts would have given, were their cases tried, 
by a threat to writ and eject them for arrears oi the hanging gale 
There are, thcielorc, over 400,000 peasants from whose rent not a 
farthing has been stiuck off — nearly half of them being leaseholders 
—who are prohibited from having fan rcn4 fixed, the remainder 
being generally cottiers, too pool or too intimidated to incur the 
vengeance of their landlords by fighting them in court 

The case of the leaseholders deserves special notice, as they were 
the most improving tenants, and hold over 130,000 of the larger 
farms No clearer proof could be given of the partisan character 
of the administration of the Land Act than the fact that, though 
one of its clauses empowered the Commissioners to break all leases 
made since the Land Act of 1870, which had been forced on tenants, 
and which were “unreasonable or unfair, having regard to the 
provisions of that Act, not more than 100 have since been broken 
by them Over 1,200 forced leases v^re brought before the Couit, 
but that tribunal calmly took tlie ground that an exorbitant lent was 
not one of the elements to be regarded as “ unreasonable or unfair,^^ 
and hunted the impudent tenants off * Decisions like these by 
ermined judges greatly endear the law to suitors who resort to 
them, and ensure for it a measure of respect second only to that 
accorded to the dicta of a harlequin by reverent pantomime- 
goers The Land Commission also refused to break a number of 
leases on a law-point upon which their ruhng was afterwards 
reversed by the Court of Appeal, but, by the time the hardy suitor 
who appealed had his case adjudicated on, the six months 
limited for the operation of the leasebreaking section expired , and 



the other leaseholders who had been defeated by the discredited 
law-point were thus defrauded of their rights That a decision which 
was afterwards proiiouucod to be bad law should still be allowed to 
operate seemed inequit iblc, and I called attention to this hardship 
ill the House of Commons some years ago^ but only to recei\e the 
usual snub awarded to rebellious malignants who awkwardly obtiude 
p^ttv paroehial grievinec> upon a great Imperial Partiament 

The exclusion of the Icaselioldcis as i body from the Land Act 
was deliberately resolved upon in 1881 despite the protests of the Irish 
members, who, as usual, foretold the consequences, but the force of 
legal superstition was too strong to toueli written contracts Other 
contracts might be invaded, but not such as weie dignified by parch- 
ment The feelings of the general body of the Icascholdeis at 
being denied the fixing of a fair lent which lias lightened the 
, load of many of then ncighboiiis, mav be imagined from their 
failure in the face of falling prices to appreciate nice legal distinc- 
tions Most of them are so iiide and bai barons in their ideas 

that they arc unable to icali/c the added clement ot sanctity and 
holiness which is gi\cn to contract by means of sealing-wax and 
sheepskin This is the more icraaikablc when it is reniom- 
deied that all other sa\ages respect some fetish, and that these 
leaseholders, being gcncrallj Popish, are iiatuially of an idolatrous 
turn of mind , yet such is their a^allcc, their lack of education and of 
sound economic views, that thev cry out on pen, ink, and parchment 
*18 impostures, when they see all other contiacts relating to land 
oicrridden and the lent of holdings adjoiiiiLg their own reduced 
eight shillings or ten shillings an acre * 

* \a to the w ly the thing works in practice, one m&tanco from the cst itc of a “ model 
landlord,’ the Duke of Dc\oashirc, may be qixen After the passing of the Land Act 
of isSl, Mr Douglas a Protestant tenmt on the Dbvonshiro estate in County 

\\ aterford, asked an abate inont in his rent lo this he received in writing fiom the 
iig( nt, i^Ir Currey, the \cry fair reply that if he \\ is dissatished with his rent he could 
go into tho Land Court and get it fixed then Air Pvne h cordingly did so, and some 
tS or £10 was taken off by the Sub Comnussiuners Iho Dukt ippealed, and at the 
rehearing, instead of raising the question of value, which would ha \ g been reasonable 
enoiigli, he mstruc ed his lawyer to opposi the ten int s right to the benefit of the A(t 
on -a law point Ihis turned on tlie c\ulcnci of the igent who in\ited Mr Pyne 
originall> to go into the court, and who now piodueed letters from him which the court 
held amounted to an agreement for a lease Ihcse agreements operate under the Act as 
effectually as a lease itself to ])revcut the court Irovi fixing a fair lent and therefore Mr 
Pyno by this device was defeated and hia “ fair rent ’ fixed by the Sub Commissioners 
was quashed, tor years since he accordingly has been paying a rent which the court 
of first instance declared unfair, and whirh the Duke prevented the Head Commission 
adjudicating on after m\iting the tenant to use tlio L md Act Moreover bad blood 
being once created, His Grace regularlv serves Mr Pyne with a writ for the old rent 
the moment it falls behind If a millionaire peer who voted for the Land Act and 
whose heir was in the Cabinet wIuqIi passed it thus respects its rulings as to rent, what 
will not pauper or Tory landlords do ’ Mr Pyne has since been elected by hia Catliolic 
neighbours M P for West Waterford and in the House of Commons he will henceforth 
enjoy theprivilege of hearing the noble Marquis, who is heir to tlio Devonshire property, 
expound nis views on the sacredness of legal ruhts Ik should be added that, though 
the Alarquis of Hartifigton declared himself at Belfast, in November, 1885, as m favoui 
of leaseholders the benefit of the fair rent clauses of the Land Act, this did not 
prevent the subsequent service of WTits on Mr P>ne for the old rent 



Of the farmers other than leaseholders who have not gone into 
the Land Court, it may be said that the bulk of them have been 
kept out by poverty The tenants who live on small patches 
of Western land seldom have money to fee a lawyer to conduct 
their case, well knowing that the landlord, for the purpose of "making 
an example,” would appeal, and thereby double the costs The 
Land Commission, with the fatuity or malignity which has marked its 
entire careei, refuses costs in the Sub-Commissiouers^ Courts, where 
the tenants arc almost invariably successful , and for appeal pui poses it 
has adopted a ridiculously low schedule of costs so that the landlords, 
who in nineteen cases out of twenty arc appellants, and arc mostly 
the unsuccessful parties, arc encouraged to list vexatious or hopeless 
appeals to deter othcis from going into court The amount a tenant 
recovers in costs against the landlord where the rent is appealed from, 
ncvci pays his solicitor’s bill, or recoups him for being kept hanging 
for days round the courts waiting the hearing of the case The 
towns fixed by the Head Commission for hearing appeals are so 
distant from the majority of the tenants that manv a one would 
think less of a jourrvtv to America by himself than face the expense 
of bringing witnesses to the far-awaj places where it pleases the 
Head Commissioners to sit All this makes in favour of the landloids, 
by detenmg tenants from resorting to the courts, but, above all, 
those who are in arrears arc so completely in their grip that most of 
them could reply in the words of Horne Tooke when told that the 
Law Courts are open to them, " Yes, and so is the London Tavern 
What, therefoie, were the friends of the tenants to do whom the 
Goveinmeiit failed or neglected to protect ^ Will those who denounce 
the immorality of the Plan of Campaign suggest a plan which would 
sa\e them from being expelled from tlifeir homes and left without 
any refuge except the poorhouse ^ Should they submit to be quietly 
hi nted out like vermin from their shelter ^ Many a peasant through 
its operation will have a roof over him this Christmas, and many 
another will have some better " kitchen ” than salt to his potatoes 
for his Christmas dinner ^ Whether the Plan of Campaign be 
legal or not, a juiy will decide The proclamation denouncing 
it 18 mere waste-paper, but, as to its lawfulness in the moral 
sense, the question does not to my mind admit of discussion to 
anybody who knows Ireland We have unfortunately to bear tlie 
rule of a people who know nothing about our country, and whom it 
IS welLmgh hopeless to educate — not because of prejudice, which is 
wearing oft, though it was a heavy obstacle, but because it takes half 
a lifetime living in any community to get even the fringe of an 
insight into the condmjtion of the poor In Ireland, moreover, the 
intncacies of the laws relating to land and their administration have 
a bearing on the daily life of the peasantry, which no one who has 



not lived there can uiidei stand They are hourly wrested, half 
in malice half in aval ice, to the prejudice of the people , so that 
the life of a lackreuted tenant under a poor absentee, whose agent 
IS his magistrate, grand juror, and poor-law guardian rolled into one, 
IS little short of a living toiture, and is far less tolerable than 
was tint of the slaves on Southern plantations Without one feeling 
in common with his masters except hate, he drags out a cheerless 
existence absolutely without hope Subsisting on the meanest 
food dressed in the wretchedest rags and dwelling m a den 
unfit for swine, he is liable at any moment, by the blacken- 
ing of the potato, or a fall m the puce of produce, to see 
his wretched holding confiscated, and his family expelled at the 
will of distant loids, whom he has never seen, or whose reward for 
the gold he has extracted for them fiom a few niggard acres is 
the spui of processes and law costs, the moment the seasons drive 
him into debt No Englishman that evei lived, if he had the 
wisdom of fifty Solomons, could lealize the position of the Irish 
cottier, unless he witnessed his hardships and necessities, and this 
fact it 18 which renders so exasperating the besotted speeches of 
every platform ignoramus, whose strength of view and dogmatisms 
on Irish disorders is proportionate to their ignorance 

Without going the length of the Times, oi Sir James Caird, m 
declaring that no rent is collectable from 538,000 holdings, any- 
body who knows the aercable value of land may roughly calculate 
the contribution which should be paid to the landlord on the 
majority of Irish farms, after allowing foi the maintenance of the 
cultivator The following is their classification in 1880, taken from 
" Thom’s Directory — • 

Not exceeding 

1 1 to 5 

5 to 15 

15 to 20 

30 to 50 

50 to 100 

100 to 200 

above 200 

1 icre 




au c3 




'SO, 613 

1 04,292 







Each of these holdings represents a family of at least five persons, 
and if the cost of auppoiting them be taken at the workhouse 
scale of, say, three shillings a week, each tinaiit will require to 
earn 4^39 a year to feed and clothe his household How mucli, 
then, would be left to the landlord out of the holdings up to 
twenty acres (representing 412,758 families) if the tenants were 
allowed maintenance on the pauper scale ^ Not one penny, yet 
these 412,758 holdings in all probability pay £3,000,000 rent in 
ordinary times Most of that rent is ground out of the 
rags and misery and hunger of their families Some of it is 
made by labour in England, more of it comes from America and 
Australia None of it would be derived from legitimate agriculture 
by which the husbandman that laboureth eats of the fruits 
But does not this point to over-population and early marriages? 


The statistician replies that there are fewer marriages and fewer 
births per thousand in Ireland than in any European country, 
while the density of population per square mile is similarly lower 
Then it will be said that if many of the cottiers had their land 
for nothing they could not livb by it True, if that is any reason 
for rack-renting them Then it will be asked, why should the minute 
division of holdings deprive a landlord of a rental which would be 
paid him if the land were held in large traets ^ First, because if it 
wel'c not for the labour of the tenants most of this land would be 
mcie waste, and second, because few of the holdings could be con- 
solidated with real profit The landlords carried out all the 
consolidations they were able aftei the famine clearances, and with 
what profit? Alan Polok^s giant tract in Galway, miles in evtent, 
once maintained hundreds of families Polok, sen , who died in 
1881, was a Scotch capitalist, and worked the land in the most 
scientific manner His son imitated him, yet he was, as the people 
sav, broken out of it^' last yoai, and had to call an auction of all 
liH effects But thccleaiest justification of thetenant^s position is the 
right which the Land Acts recognize him to have in his farm Since 
1 881 the word landlord is, indeed, a misnomer, and, scientifically 
bpcaking, should be no longer employed, as the tenants' interest is 
now the superior of the two Rent was declared by the Act 1881 to 
be no longci chargeable on the tenants' improvements, and though 
unfortunately this proviso has been nullified m the Law Courts, its 
efiect on the popular mind can never be rooted out Everything in 
Ireltiud that gives the land value has been put on it by the tenant 
Unlike the English practice, the Irish landlord lays out no money on 
improvements, and though the Act of 1^81 allowed the proprietors 
of English managed estates " to claim certain exemptions from the 
opciation of tliat measure, a return of the number who 
hive succeeded in establishing that claiip would not show 
1,000 acres so held out of the 20,000,000 lu the island The 
Act makes a foifciture of all its benefits possible half-yearly, 
in default of punctual payment of the rent , and as it is notorious 
that tenants rarely have any money laid by, one of the nlain 
ideas in the mind of evictors since its passing has been to 
break their tenancies under it Once gone they could never again 
be set up, even if the tenant was reinstated in the farm, and the 
landlord thereafter would ha\e practically the same powers as over a 

Now part of the^ Irish contention is that a tenant's interest 
should not bq finally forfeited for non-payment of a six months' 
rent, as it is often wprth fifty times that amount, but that a 
longer period should be prescribed, and that where his holding falls 
into the landlord's possession it should be redeemable at any time, 




with dll its old status, on payment of the debt, just as real estate 
would be against a mortgagee who foreclosed Since 1881 the tenant’s 
inteiest has become the dominant and genuine interest in the laud 
It ml] fetch a much higher price at an auction than the landlord’s, 
uhilt, it foreign competition and prices remain as at present, the land- 
lord’s ability to e\act rent must in the end disappear They will 
of course fight like tigers against this, for an annual impost of 
112,000,000 is involved, but it the land will not make what the law 
entitles them to, Viceregal proclamations will not help them to collect 
it Territorial fury at the present moment springs from lage at the 
silli rejection of Mr Gladstone’s Purchase Pill, which contained such 
terms as will never again be offered, and the knowledge of the tenant’s 
strength in combination Poth sides sec that if a large insurance fund 
were established, as it easily might be, by the farmers paying into it 
as much money as the landlord refused to take fur rent, such of them 
as could be evicted in a twelvemonth might be comfortably main- 
tained out of the contributions, while the rest quietly cultivated 
their land This view was frequently put forward by me in October, 
1883, and, though successful!} acted on upon several estates during 
Lord Carnarvon’s Viceroyalty, it was never assailed by the Attorney- 
General, who then, as now, was the Bight Hon Hugh Holmes It 
was only discovered to be " organized embezzlement ” when Irish 
votes were no longer needed for the Conservatives 

The peasant is 'nilling to pay the landlord the exact value of 
his interest in the soil dud no more, as soon as it is ascertamed 
by a system in which he has a voice , but meantime he is not 
willing to march into the poorhouse because laws made in Loudon, 
which neither he nor his representatives were parties to, say he must 
This may be called stealing the landlord’s property, but if so, when 
a slave worth 1,000 dollars marched himsblf off a Georgia plantation 
and took refuge on free territory, was he guilty of theft ? Had he 
not rather the sympathy of civilized mankind ? Enghsbmcn under- 
stood black slavery m America They know nothing of white slavery 
in Ireland, and when they know as much about it as do those whom 
the shoe pinches, their judgment on the morality of the Plan of 
Campaign will be entitled to consideration The struggle in Ireland 
to-day IS a continuance of the old warfare of the clansmen for a 
foothold on the soil of, their fathers The descendants of the con- 
fiscators now, as of yore, have on their side foreign laws and foreign 
bayonets , but, while the centunes have taught the planters no lesson, 
they are made at least to learn at every onset with their despised 
serfs that experience and suffering have taught the peasant a great 

T M Healy. 


rpHE great celebiation of the two hundred and fiftieth anniversary of 
jL the founding of Harvard University has just calltd attention anew 
to the condition and tendencies ot highei education in the United 
States Theie weic piesent at the festivities in the early days of 
November not only about 2,500 of the alurnni of the College, but 
lepiesentatives fiom nearly all of the other piomiiient institutions of 
learning in the liiid, as well as from bevoial ol the Universities of the 
Old Woild Never before wcie so many presidents of colleges and 
eminent professors gadieied togethei in the Western Woild The note 
that was sounded at the very beginning of the festivities continued to be 
heaid to the end , and no one could have been in attendance without 
lealizing, and in some degree measuring, the extent of the interest that 
IS now eveiy where felt in the methods of h%hci education Harvard is 
not only the oldest and laigest of oui universities, but she is the leadei 
and representative of a tendency that is exerting a vast influence on the 
other colleges of the land Some account of this influence and tendency 
may not be out of place 

The early history of our colleges was shaped after the English model 
It has been estimated that within a veiy few yeais after the settlement 
of Massachusetts Bay the colony contained as many as a bundled men 
who had received the honouis of Oxford and Cambridge AVhen, in 
1636, Haivaid College was founded by a gift of the Colonial Legislature, 
and given the name of a son of Emmanuel College in old Cambiidge, 
it was but natural that the methods of the old colleges should be given 
to the new institution The othei colleges thav in due course of time 
canie to bo founded topk on similar characteiistics Nor was theie any 
verv stiilving oi radical change of method oi of spirit till past the 
middle of the present centuiy The applicant for admission was 
lequiied to read easy Latin and to know something of Greek and the 
mathematics Aftei his admission he was expected to devote four years 
chiefly to supplementing the fiugal knowledge he had already acquired 
in those three great branches of learning Theie was very little of the 
natural sciences, there was even less of the applied sciences , there was 



next to nothing of historj In «»hort, until neii the outbieak of our 
Civil Wai, it might have bten said iii plain descriptive piose, as has 
since been suJ la the epigrammatic propagandism ot a tlieoiv, that ^^a 
uinver^'it) is a nlace vvheie nothing useful is taught 

Bit about the middle o( the pi esent century it came to be seen that 
tht condition of higher education was not satisfying the demands of the 
coiiiitiv Cojjjeges had been multiplied m ill parts of the land, as if it 
were the province of higher educition to cuiy itself to the door ot 
evciy man s home The nuincious religions sects kit the necessity oi 
having schools lor the tiaiiiing of the clcigy These schools weie the 
victims ot a somewhat ictivo iivaliv’', and in consequence it was impos- 
sible to laise the low st inclird of schohiship that picvailed Nearly all 
of the newel colleges had itiichod to them is an intcgial pait a pre- 
pai itoiy school, the hi sinoss ot which w is to give students such meagre 
picliminary training as w is nece^s ii v f oi admission to the college or 
umveisity Thus tlie colleges weie able to make a veiy considerable 
«ihow of numbcis, though m m iny instances the i oils weie made ahnost 
exclusively ot pupils who might xs well hive hocn iii any one of the 
piimaiy or sccoiulai^ schools of tlie hnd But the deceptive chiiadci 
ot tins appueut pio‘-ptiity could not long be concciled When 
statistics Cline to he c iicfiilly brought togcthci, it was found that the 
idative numbei rf students m the highei couiscs ot instuictun was 
stiadily growing ind hss It wa ilso evident that there was a 
widespread feeling ot discontent with the (ourseoot insliuetion givin 
The chnioui vv is evcrjwhcic htaid that the chsMcal tongues were no 
longer called for, ih it this is a piactie il age, th it if students arc not to 
be taught in the univcisitics whit they can turn to use in the all iiis of 
life, they may as weM get on without the univeisitics al togcthci This 
feeling it w IS wlutli, cvci glow mg deepei and moie widc^jiiead, had the 
gcncial effect of i educing the number of students in all the colleges of 
tliecountry Young men everywheie vveic going into the piofessions 
without that prelimiinry^ collegiate training which m the eaily history 
of the country was considered a neccs'^ary pieiequisite of success 

How should this evil tendency be met and averted ^ Miny wajs 
were suggeded, and not a few weie adopted One ol them vvasthiough 
the establishment of sepirite technical scliools In tlic oldei paits ot 
the country several schools were endowed foi the pui pose of affoiding 
oppoitunitie^ foi special triming to such as might have no opportunity 
or inclination to take the moie orthodox course in arts The Sheffield 
Scientific School at Yale, the Lawrence Scientific School at Harvard, 
the Chandler Scientific School at Daitmouth, the Stevens Institute at 
Hoboken, the Polytechnic Institute it Troy, the School of Mines at 
Columbia College m New Yoik, were all the fruits of this impulse 
In some of these schofU the course of study continued through three 
years, m others il extended, as m the old college courses, through four 
It will be observed that there were two systeAis even of the scliools 
above named Some of them weie connected with colleges already 
established, olheis weic entirely independent and isohted As a rule, 
however, it may be said that in all instances independence went as fai 
as to the establishment of separate conises of study for the separate 
schools Students of the regular college course, and students of the 
revvly established scientific schools, never met m the same lecture rooms 


although they might meet on the same college grounds, and might even 
be pui suing the same studies in common 

As a class, these newly established schools could not be regarded as 
very prosperous Whenever they were established in connection with 
one of the older univtisities, the students nevei seemed to feel quite at 
home in the eompanionship of the membcis of the older college 
Whenever they were given an absolutely independent existence it was 
often found th it the expense of establishing and keeping up libraries, 
museums, and the other necessary appliances, was much gieater than 
tlie financial condition of the school would an int The result was that 
although thoie vveic a few very signil examples of success, the experiment, 
as a whole , could not be regarded as having changed the general diift 
Another scries of efioits was made by cstiblishmg parallel courses of 
study in several of the colleges afid univcis'tic'> ilicul) existing One 
of the first to idvocatc such a chiiige wis Pitsident Wayland, of IJiown 
Univcisity lie picsentcd with gieit cogency the arguments which at* 
i later pciiod bccimc very farailnr to those engaged m educational 
ilfairs Ihe ncce^sitv of change in methods picsentod itself in two 
foims In the fust place, it w^as irrational tint cvciy student up to the 
close of Ills collegi itc couise should be requned, on pun of forfeiting all 
cliancc foi a degue, to t ike piecisely the sanle couise is that mirked out 
lor c\ory one of his fellows The method iii vogue, it wis iiiged, not 
only rccpuicd every cindidite for a dcgicc to tike a picsciibcd amount 
of Greek, Latin, and ni it hematics but it also gave him almost abso- 
lutely no oppoitunity ol t iking any moie thm the amount picsciibcd 
The old wUiiiculum wis a hard-and fast iccpiirenn lit tint gave no pos- 
sible play foi diffeiing abilities and tastes Such a method could nevei 
develop to the highest pitch of scholaiship moic than a veiy small numbei 
of persons in my class Students arc spuriecl on to then best efforts 
only when their eiitliusiasras aie moved, and i pitseiibed course, how- 
cvei excellenl 111 itself, can never, stir the enthusiasm of riioie than a 
limited nnmbii of those who aie lequucd to tike it The consequence 
that we aie biought at once to tJic second lea^on for a change — namely, 
the inability ot the old method to diiw within its influence any con- 
sider iblc iinmlicr ot those who, undei a better syatem, would be glad to 
avail themselves of a eouise ot university study The very ^ct that the 
classes m college weie ever) where glowing less and less, showed that the 
education given was not the education that was desired The defect in the 
existing system, it was sud, was open to the view of any one \vha#vould 
observe There weie luge numbeis of people who do not admit the 
fcupeiior ellie ley of tiauung in the ancient languages and in the mathe- 
matie«:, and who assert that laigc numbeis must either go through life 
without the advantage of a liberal education, or the requirements must 
be so changed as to turnibh the opportunities desired 

The agitation that ensued resulted iii thd^lstablishmcnt nf parallel 
<50urseb of study in sevei'al of the universities of the countiy In 
some ot the institutions favouriiig this method of meeting the 
new demand, what was known as a ‘^Scientific Course’^ was provided 
for Gieek and Latin were either omitted altogether, or were 
required of the students in only very moderate amount French and 
German were given a prominent place m the new requiiements, and 
there was a generous mtioduction of history and the various natural 



sciences In sboit, the effort was essentially the same as that which 
m Geimany had resulted m the Ileal Schools, and the consequent ad- 
mi'^sion to the univei‘sity of students who had no knowledge of Greek, 
and vciy little knowledge of Latin The new couises extended through 
four and culminated in the dogiee of Bacheloi of Science There 
was also ])iovjsion made foi those who desired Latin, but Ind an mli- 
pithj to Gicek German and French were given the place held in the 
old curriculum by the Hellenic tongue, while the full quota of Latin con- 
tinued to be icquucd course led ordimrily to the degree of 

Bachelor of Philosophy Fimlly, a fouith course was added, designed 
to substitute foi advanced studies in the mathematics and m the 
natural sciences, studies in history and in modem literature Some 
two years m the piepiratory schools, and about the same length of time 
m the university, weie devoted to the modem languages, after which 
the time of the lemaining two years was given to studies m literature 
and cogn ite branches Hus couise also led to \ degiee — that of Bacheloi 
of Letteis 

This method of solving the problems of highei education was 
adopted by i few of the older and by nearly all of the newer insti- 
tutions Fiom ihaO to 1870 it was what might be called the pre- 
dominant method Though the older schools clung with a stiong 
conservatism to the methods of the fathers, the ncwci colleges and 
univeisities in the middle of the countiy and in the West almost with- 
out exception adopted what may bo called the Sjslcm of Parallel 

While the succe‘?s of this system was perhaps such as to satisfy its 
friends, it was not enough to convert its enemies The older institu- 
tions, like Haivard and Yale, and the othei colleges of New England, 
practically assumed tint the system of paiallel coui^sos wis a suirender 
to Philistinism in which they could take no pait A few of them have 
maintained this position to the present day All of the mo^e piominent 
universities, howcvei, have felt themselves obliged to seek the same 
ends by other means Harvard University has been the leader of this 
third movement, and the means by which its ends have been accomplished 
18 known as the Elective Sj stem ” 

Until about 1870 the courses of study prescribed for the degree 
of Bacheloi of Aits gave to the student veiy little latitude for choice 
In the fourth }cai the candidate had placed befoie him a number of 
subj^ts from which he was at liberty to select enough to make up the 
requisite amount of instiuction But the field of choice was limited 
and the variety of studies was correspondingly meagre This charac- 
teristic earned with it, of course, the impossibility of anything but 
very elementary work A little Latin, a little Greek, about the same 
amountof the mathematics, a trifle of history, taught ina very dull way, foi 
the most part from a vefy dull textbook, the elements of half a dozen 
of the sciences, including psychology and logic — such was the pabulum 
on which the college student m one of the older colleges was mainly 
obliged to be fed It can hardly lie considered very suipusing that the 
relative number of students in college was steadily declining But 
about seventeen years ago Mr Eliot entered upon his administration as 
President of Harvard It was understood that he was chosen to his 
position as the representative of a new and vigorous policy that had 


already, in some measure, beeiH entered upon by hiS predecessor Tint 
policy involved a multiplication of the courses of instruction jjiveii, md 
the oflenngof a substantially fiee choice of codr^es during the Litei j cari> 
of the curiiculum Gradually this freedom was extended down nearly 
to the beginning of the course Indeed, it has now come to include almost 
the whole ot the studies of the fieshnnii year Meantime it has been 
practicable to multiply the opportunities afforded the individual student 
When everybody was taught as n\ueh as anybody it was impossible to 
do very much ot any one thing But as soon as freedom of choice was 
offered, it was found that students demanded idvanced courses, and 
consequently advanced couises were provided The couises in cveiy 
branch of knowledge were so multiplied that in less than a score of yeais 
the aggrcgite numbei was three oi foiu times is gieat as it had been 
when the reform was begun The llaivard catalogue now shows an 
ariay of couises in bistoiy, m political economy, in the \aiious sciciu 
as well as in the languages of Em ope and Asia, th it quite reminds one of 
the wealth of learning offered by one of the larger univeisities ot 
Germany It is thus made quite possible for the student to concentiato 
his work in such a way as not onlv to learn a little of many things, 
but also to leain much of the paiticulai ‘subject of his choice The 
diift has been tow irds the Goiman i ither thin towards tlie English 
methods , md in the fieedoni ot choice now afforded the German limit 
has veiy neaily been reached 

W bile this change Ins been going on at Iliivaid under President 
Eliotts inspiration and diiection, i similai tendency has shown itself in 
those institutions which at first tiicd to meet the requirements of the 
age by establishing pirallel courses ” It was found, not unnatuially, 
that the decision eaily in lite to pursue a ceitain couisc of stud^ w is 
sometimes a prcmatuie decision, and consequently that room ought to 
boprovided for subsequent change of puipose The system of pai illcl 
courses, like the old classical couises, afforded no loom for change ot 
studies when once a couise had been enteied upon It was eveiywlicie 
found necossaij, therefou, to give something ot the sxme fle\ibility to 
the new courses that Harvaid was giving to the old At the IJmvLisitv 
of Michigan and at Cornell University, the two most conspicuous and 
prosperous examples of the paiallel course s)stem, the first two )ear3 
aie foi the most part presciibcd, while the last two aie for the most 
part elective Thus the student is afforded a twofold privilege of 
choice lie maj decide upon one of the parallel courses when he begins 
his preparatory studies , then, after he lias been two yeais m the 
university, he may choose with almost absolute freedom fiom the 
bundled couises thit are offered 

It will be seen from what has been jstated that all the change'- that 
have come about have been made in the direction of greater freedom 
The tendency has been unmistakably in the direction of that Lemf) (nheit 
to which the Germans att ich so much importance it should not be 
supposed, bowe\er, tint these changes have come about without opposi- 
tion On the contrary, those conservative elements that are found in such 
abundance in all educational affaiis have offered a stern resistance The 
opposition has taken on two forms The first has asserted and stoutly 
maintained that there is no form of study at all comparable for the 
development of intelligence with the study of the ancient languages By 



some of the 'idvoc'ites of the lefoim thit T-ssertion is domed, by others 
it IS 'idmitttd Those who admit the position still maintmn that the 
assertion punes very littk, inasmuch is the questioh is, not whether 
Gieck nid Litin aie the 'studies best aclipted to the improvement of 
those wlio pui'^ue tiiem, but whether if Greek and Latin aie not taken 
tlieie sliall not be ceitdin otlui studies offered m their place In other 
woids, if the student ivill not tike Gre< k and Latin, shall ho be com- 
pelled to take nothing, oi shall he be»peimitted to take some other study 
c\cn though it be of sccondai} import incc ^ The other objection to the 
lefoim lb founded on what ma) be called a mistrust of the ability or 
disposition of the student to use the libeity of choice without abusing 
It It IS an odd anomaly tint in a counliy that prides itself so much on 
the libeities ot the people thcic should be so little f nth in the beneficiil 
effects of lihcrt) among the students of oui univeisitics At the middle 
of their course the students in the Aineiican universities ue now ibont 
twent}-onc yeais ot age In manj of tlie univeisities the average ige 
it thetime of taking the degice \ anes not more th m i month or two fiom 
twent} -three j eais And > et in m my cpiarteia it continues to be thought 
that the studint of twentj-one and rnpic should stdl be held to as rigid 
a couj'=?c of ^tudy as that which was maiked out foi him it sixteen or 
«ioventeen Within i few months it lea'-t is miny as two foimid ible 
irticlcs 111 IS many of our leKlingRevicws h ivo m ule pondeiousefloits to 
piove that students cannot he trusted, and that it they iro given Ihcli 
libeity they will elect the easy things, neglect the haid things and so 
spoil then edueition In mui} (pi liters this distiiist of the studeiit^s 
judgment oi purpose has been stiong enough to stmd up in face iA all 
cxpeiience It seems to foiget th it even if an oppoitunity is sometimes 
lost, the fact is only the eoneomitant of evtry foini of hum in liberty 
Evciy body knows that hbcity is ilways sid>j( ct to abuse Uiidei the 
piivileges it grants, it is the moie possible to do the wioiig tiling, •for 
the simple leison tlut theie cm be no oppoitunity of doing tin light 
thing without a toiic^ponding possibility of doing the wiong onc^ The 
po‘^sihiIity of taking the easy and unirnpoitant things must be gianted, 
foi along with such a possibility goes also that opportunity ot tluirough- 
iicss w hich IS the only condition of the highest success And thus ifc 
happens that the very best att uninjents are found only in tbo«e schools 
where negligence is possible, mJ even not uncommon It is only 
under the sti nulus of lihcity that the 1 iigest lesults aie possible, it is 
only under the oppoitunities afforded by tin same libeity that neglect 
of oppoitunity is most easy, if not most pievalent 

That the nev\ system has not resulted in any general abuse has been 
abundantly shown Five years ago the impression became somewhat 
prevalent that the laige Aeedom now given to the Harvard Students 
resulted in somcwhit general neglect and abuse The Overseeis of the 
university were said to share this (opinion But whether the current 
report on this subject was correct or not, it was certainly true that they 
imposed a decisive check on the fui ther movements in the s ime direction 
pioposcd by the President and Corpoiation of the University This 
action led to a very impoitant iiivcstigition of the whole subject The 
next report of the Picsidetit contained a very elaborate system of tables, 
showing prcc iscly what each student had elected duAng the 'smes of 
years since the elective was introduced The result could hardly 


have been more conclusive The figures so fai carried conviction that 
the Ovei seers not only rcveiscd then action, bub approved uifammously 
of the policy which, under the light of moie impeifect information, they 
had strenuous!} opposed 

As was to be anticipated, this reform has met with a heaity apprecia- 
tion from the public The sense of freedom, the conscious privilege of 
selecting those studies that one desires, the laiger range ot possibilities 
in the way of attainments in one^s favoui ile pursuits, all these added 
to the attractiveness ot the uinveisities tint had adopted the new 
methods A 1 u*ge influx of students is the result While the classes 
in the colleges ind univcisitics thit still adhere to the former methods 
itmain \ery nearly whit the} wcic twenty years ago, the classes in all 
ot those insfitutions th it have adopted the new methods have ncaily oi 
ipute doubled in numbers withih the sime length of time In 1870 
the nnmbei ot students in the academic oi non piofcssional department 
ot llarvaid was GO’^ in 1SS5 SG the niimbci hid incnased to lOOG 
Twenty yeais igo, Cornell University did not exist The tiist class 
graduated m ISuO At present the corps of instiuciioii consists of 
ibout eighty peisons, ind the roll of students has more than eight 
hiiridied nimos A simil u piospeiity has mirked the univeisities of 
Michigan T1 ese thicc institution^!, though dilltiing somewhat in their 
chaiacteiistus, aie the most t\pieil nul miiLtd examples of the new 
methods Within the last ten }eus ill of tluin ha\c icceived abundant 
evidences of public tivoui 

Fiom anothei lud a highci point ot \iew the beneficial icsults have 
been even more sti iking Pcihips the most potent reason tor the 

lefoim w ih the inducement held out hy the new method for long-con- 
tinued study in the dutcMoii of the student’s individual choice While 
it was foieseen tliat a few students would striggle thiough the foui 
yeais of thoir couise in an iirnltss Kind of way, it was still hoped that 
alarge majoiit\ — even a \Liy laige m ijoiitv — would clioose then studies 
wisely, md jniisuL them steadily to the aecornplishmeiit of some very 
tangible results It ma}: faiily be siid th it this hope lias not been dis- 
appointed Thetibles published by IhesiJent Eliot show conclusively 
that a vast majority of the young men know what they want, and go 
about accomplishing then ends in an intelligent and praiseworthy way 
But theie is a kind of evidence tint figuits cannot give It is in the 
spiiit, in the pievailing tone, of the institutions that have adopted the 
new methods It is the subject ot univeisal reraaik that there is less of 
boyishness and moie of manlines^f The pievailmg spirit is one ot far 
greater cainestness This geneial temper of the students, united with 
the greater opportunities ofleied, has bi ought about most excellent results 
It is not too much to «ay that within tlie past ten yeais a far higher 
plane of scholaisliip h is been reached than w^as possible under the old 
system A student's ideas soon after he enters on his university couise 
begin to crystallize iii the direction of his aptitudes and prefciences As 
early as the second year he enters on the fulfilment ot his pui poses In 
the third and fourth yeais he is able to carry on his studies even into 
the most advanced stages offered The consequence is, that at the time 
ot receiving the baccalaureate degiee he has learned fir more than under 
the 6ld system was in any way possible And so it has happened that 
studies in Greek, in Latin, in the Oriental lar^uages, in history, ih the 



mathematics^ in political economy, and iii all the bciences, aie earned 
very mucli*firthei llnii it \ias possible to caiiy them twenty or e\tn 
ten yearb ng-o An inspection ot the courses of instruction now given 
at either of the topical universities named above will show, that univci- 
sityworkol i high character has at last become possible and practicable 
AdvanceJ studies ciinecl on in the methods of the German “ Seminai 
were hist lutioduced into the University of Michigan, but they have 
since become common at Cornell, and have finally been somewhit gene- 
rally adopted at IIar\aid The benehcial lesults cannot fail to show 
themselves in cveiy held of leaining 

No account of the tendencies of higher learning in the United States 
could be complete without some adequate rcferenct to the work ot 
Johns Hopkins University No other institution with in^he past few 
veais has attracted so much attention Tins has been owing partly to 
the great excellence of the instiuction given, paitly to the peculiarities 
ot its oiganization and methods, and pailly to the tact that it has liid 
great stress on the publication of accomidishcd results Through the 
various journ ils and Kiials that were established at the university early 
in its history, the pnlilio has been kept advised in a very efficient 
manner ot the work tliat h is been done in the seveial dcpaitments of 
knowledge But it can hardly be said that the Johns Hopkins I ni- 
V ersity h is a v er} intimate historic connection w ilh the educational sj stem 
of the countrv It did not glow out of the root, but was r ithci gralted 
into the old stock It w is founded in the bcliet that the lime h .cl come 
for the establishment of a university that should do loi Ameiican 
scholars what the German universities are doing foi tliem Dining 
the last twenty-five years some huiidieds of American students, aftci 
completing the 11 collegiate course, have annually gone to Germany foi 
moie advanced instiuction than could be obtained on this side ol tlie 
Atlantic "W hy should thcio not be established iii Ameiica some one 
institution that should obviate the necessity of a Tiansatlantic voyage*^ 
Ihe fundamintnl idea should be the giving of instiuction in the most 
improved methods that would supplement the instruction given in the 
other colleges ind univeisities of the countiy It should be a univeisity 
established pi imai ily for tho« 5 e who hadaliead} taken the Bachcloi-^sdegiee 
Here was the field w Inch Johns Hopkins University undertook to occupy 
It was not ab'^olutcly new giound, for all of the older universities had 
provided courses of instiuction for giaduates uid fellows But its 
peculiarity w is in the I ict that all its btienglh was pi imanly devoted 
to instiuction to those students who had ilreidy taken the first degiee 
It vVas as though one of the colleges cf Oxford oi Cambridge should 
say, We will not teich uiideigiaduatcs , we will only have to do with 
those who have already leccived the degiee of Bachelor ol Arts Our 
effort will bf simply to do the most advanced giadc ot work as a means 
of preparing specialists for the profession of teachers This was the 
position of Johns Hopkins University It did not aim to secure the 
attendance^ of large numbeis, it desired rathei tc) attract those who, 
desirous of completing their outfit for the woik oi teachers and pro- 
fessors, would otherwise have been attracted to the universities of 

The success of the experiment has been abundant and gratifying 
The nature of the work has afforded every encouragement to advance d 


and ouginal in\estigdtion, and the results of such in\ estigations as have 
been made have been fjiven very generously to the world Whether iri 
founding the university the nefcssity ot establishing ultimately an 
undergiaduate course was contemplated, is not perhaps veiy certain 
But such a necessity has made itself felt This end was probably 
favoured, on the one hand, by local demand , on the othci, by the assist- 
ance that a preparatoiy department would give to the advanced woik 
foi which 1 he univ ersity was nioic especially establi«»hed It still remains 
tiue, however, that the piomincnt Lharactcnstic of the Johns Hopkins 
Univeisity is its work with graduite students, while it leceives such 
undergraduates as offti themselves The stress of its efforts is devoted 
to its advanced classes It le perhaps needless to add that it is from 
this characteristic that the university is so widely and so favourably 

In the various realms of university work there is nothing more 
interesting, or indeed more impoitint, than the chinge tint his been 
* going on in the minds of scholais during the j^iast tew years on the 
subject of political economy Twenty years ago the scholars and the 
politicians were separated in their beliefs by a soit ot impassable gulf 
The political economy of Ad im Smith and his followers was accepted 
by the academic teicheis xlinost without exception The books that 
made an iinpiession weie those of the great founders of the science — ot 
llicaido and ot Mill The doctiinc of laissez jane, as oidinanly 
accepted, was untverbally taught in the colleges lud universities It 
was a common remark that in the schools every bodjj was taught fice 
trade,” while in business evciybodj came to believe m protection ” 
This sharply defined difleience was not the result of accident Both 
classes followed their own teachers The system of piotection advocated 
with such power by Henry Clay and Mi Carey was given to the multi- 
tude with consummate skill by Mi Greeley and the othei editorial 
writers of the day The consequence of these diverging tendendfes 
was, that while the policy of the nation was hrmly held to the doctrines 
of a protective tariff, what might be called the moie scholarly part of 
the community was coming moie ind more into an acceptance of the 
doctrines ot Mill and Cairnes Fifteen years ago, among all the teachers 
of political economy in the country, not moie than one or two of any 
prominence could be named who did not advocate the policy of free 
tiade The political economy of the Manchester school came to be 
regal ded as the only oithodox form of economic faith and doctrine 

It IS patent, howevei, that a great change has now taken place While 
on the one hand a very considerable number of prominent manutactureis 
have declared themselves advocates of fiee trade, on the othei a still 
moie conspicuous number of teachers of political economy eithei aie 
avowed advocates of protection, or, what is perhaps more common, are 
in favour of occupying a middle ground between the opposing thcoiies 
There has grown up what may be called a new school of economists 
These, for the most part, are young men who, under the influence of 
German instruction, have adojjlted the German historical method® 
Nearly all of the younger economists have studied m Germany, and 
have fallen under the powerful influence of Rosoher, Wagner, or Conrad, 
and have brought the ideas so acquired to their new fields of instruction 
While in several of the universities upholders of the ^ 'priori methods are 



still m positions of piedominant influence, it is undoubtedly true tint at 
the present moment a nujonij of the teachers in our colleges and uiii- 
\crsities are to ne lanked is beloiiouig to the historical school It 
goes without saving, therefore, that the doctrines of free trade aie not 
so geneially or so dogrn itically taught as they v\eic ten or fifteen joars 
ago The tendency is piobably \ iiy neaily akin to that which appeals 
to bo prevailing in England The views and methods of Rogois, 
Jtions, ind Sidgwick aio now much moic genci illy accepted thin the 
news md methods of the ceoiionusts that led public opinion a genera- 
tion ago 

The movement as a whole, however, is to be legaided is a favourible 
sign of the time<» It is ceitiin tint a#no time in the past has the 
study of political economy been oained on so earnestly md so thoioughly 
as at the present moment In ill of the univcisitus the ch'-ses in this 
subject are large, and in many of theiri the most diHiciilt qucstioiib ire 
consideicd with a care and i thoioughne'-s th it w is lormcrly unknown 
More than all this, within the 1 isl few months two inipoit mtjoiunalb have* 
come into existem e for thcdiscu^sion ol (jucstioiib of politic il econorn)^ and 
political science The Pohitad Sc irnce Qiiuiti thjy tditcd by the Faculty 
of Political Science m Culurnbii College, is dcvotid to the whole lange 
of questions indicated h) its title, while the QtfaitsiLif Joiunal of 
Lconomiibi edited by the Piohssois of Politic il Etonomj at Uii\ iid, 
is to be confined moic n mow Iv to a «peci il field Roth of these joiirn ils 
ha\e die ilavoiu of a eiieful schol ii'^hip, and then fust appeaianee, 
almost siniultanequdN , must be icgardcd is imong the more luspicious 
signs of the times 

CiruiLLs Ki'Mjvtl Adams 



O NE of the most intciostin^contiibuiions to our knowledge of 'incient 
Oriental History since 1 wrote is cont uned in i small pamphlet 
of thirty five pages, publislieT by Piofissois S nend ind Socui It is 
entitled ^^Die Insehrdt dts Komgs Mesx von Mo'ib,’^ and embodies 
n. new and minute eximinition ot the sqacc/«,now pieseivcd in the 
Louvre, of the fimous Aloabite Stout Tlie squeeze was taken in 1809 
by Sclim cl Qaii, a Syrun agent of M Cleiinoiit-Ganneau, befoio the 
stone was biokcn, and, undei oidinary ciicuinstances, would have been 
a fiitbful rcprodiKtion of the inscription Unfortun itely, however, 
Selim had to take it in a huiiv, and almost it the risk of lus life, it 
wis torn fiorn the surf ice ol the stone before tlie paper was diy, md, 
in leseuing it fiom the Aribs ot Dluban, the prceioas document was 
Tent in two With all its defieioncies, it is nevertheless invaluible, as 
the fiagments of the stone itself, which have been recovered, include 
only i portion of the text, and many of them could not be assigned to 
then light pi ices without the as«!istince of the squeeze The two Ger- 
man scholars, theieforc, in no wiy wasted then time by sp».nding a 
fortnight last spring in elosoly studying the squeeze 

The lesult of their exiraination his been to eouect and supplement 
tlie readings published by If Olcimont-Ginncau eleven j^eirs ago iri 
seveial impoitant respects The fjllowing is their revised tiinslation 
of the text — 

1 “ [ im Mcsln, the son of Chemosh nielech, the king of Moab, of 
2 Dibon My father was king ot Moib oO }cars, and I bee ime king 
J liter my fither, and I have erected this higli place to Chemosh m Kirkhah 
lor the salv ition of Mesh i, 

4 since he saved me fioiu ill the king®, Hiid let me see my desire upon all 
my enemies Oniri, 

tlie king of Israel, he oppieased Moab many diys, since Chemosh wai 
mgry igainst his 

() lirid And then his son followed him, and he also sail I will oppress 
Mo lb , in my day he said thus, 

7 but I saw my pleasure upon him and lus house, and Israel perished for 
over And Omn occupied the whole land , 

8 of Medeba and dwelt thciein (all) his days and half the days of his son, 
40 years , but 

9 Chemosh restored it in my days , and I built Baal ineon, and made therein 
the reservoir, and I built 

10 Kirjathain And the men of Gad dwelt in the land of Ataroth from 
of old, and the king of Israel 

11 built Ataroth , and I fought against the city and took it, and I slew all thte 
people of 

12 the city as a spectacle for Chemosh and for Moab, and I brought back 
from thence the upper altar {aie!) of Dodo (Divid) and dragged 



13 It before Chemosh in Kirpth , and I settled therein the men of Siran And 
the men of 

14 Mokhratli And Chemosh said tome Go, take Nobo of Israel, and I 

15 went m the night ind fought ag nnst it from the break of day until noon, 
and took 

IG It and slew them all, 7,000 men md boys and women and maidens 
17 and female sh\es ('^), since I had devoted them to Ashtar-Chemosh , and 
I took irom thence the altars (aiclo) 

lb ol Yahveh (Jehovah) and di igged them before Chemosh Now the king 
of Israel had built 

19 Jahaz and dwelt therein while he made war against me, and Chemosh 

drove him out before me, and ^ 

20 1 took of Moab 200 men, all its princes, and I led thorn against Jahaz and 
took it 

21 in order to add it to Dibon 1 have built ICirkhih, the wall of the forest 
and the wall 

22 of the hill {ophel), and I ha\e built its gates ind I have built its towers, 

23 1 have built the house of the king, and I have m ide tho sluices of the 
reservoir for the watei (?) within 

24 the city Now then was no cistern within the city in Kirkhah, and I 
spake to all the people make 

25 you each one a cistein in Jus house, and I cut the cutting for Kirkhah by 
means of the prisoners 

26 of Israel I hue built Aroer and I h ivc m idc the roads by the Arnon, 

27 I have built Beth Bamoth, since it was destioycd , I have built Bezer, 
since It 1 ij in luins, 

28 of Dibon fift}, since all Dibon is> subject (to me), md 
I rule (’) 

29 a hundred in the cities whicli I h ivo iddcd to the land And 
I built 

JO (Mtdcba) and Bcth-Diblathain And l>ctli liaalniton, tlutlicr I brought 

51 the flocks of the land And as lor Iloronain, tnerem dwelt 

the sons of Dedan, and Dedan said ('^) 

32 and Chemosh said to me go down, fight against Horonam and I 

went down (and fought) 

3J Chemosh restored it in (my) di}s and from 


ol And I 

Dr Neubauei has ciiticised one oi two points in this translation, and 
has diawn attention to the reraaikahle leftrence to the a7 els or altais 
of Dodo and Yahveh He would identifj ard with aryel, which 
ippears m tlie book of Isanh as an old name of Jeiusalem It is 
noticeable that, while m Genesis xxii It, the only correct lendering of 
the proverb curient on the Temple IIilI is ‘‘In the Mount of tho Lord 
IS Jireh/^ or Yeiu, a town called Hai-J, or “ the Mount of God/’ seems 
to occupy the site of the Jebusite city, which afterwards became Jerusa- 
lem in the Kainak lists of Thothmes III However this may be. Dodo 
gr David is represented m the inscription in parallelism to Yahveh as 
woi shipped by the northern Isriehtes The name means “the beloved 
one,” and must have been a title given to the Deity by the Phoenicians, 

* Aihenmmt September 25, 1886, and my own Letter, October 9, 188b 



since Dido, the pation-ijoddess of Carthage, is merely its corresponding 
feminine form in a Latin dress 

The revised veision ot the inscription further serves to clear up the 
history of the Moabite revolt from Israel It shows that the recoveiy 
of Medeba and other poitions of Moabite territpiy took place in the 
middle of Ahab^s leign, and that conseqaently Moab regained its inde- 
pendence before the death of Ahab, and not aftei it, as has been hitherto 
supposed It will be observed that, in accordance with the statement of 
the Old Testament, Mesha lopresents himselt as i gieat “ shetp-master 

Ne\t pcilnps in inteic&t to the revised te^t of the Moabite Stone ib 
Professor Maspeio's repoit ot ‘^the excavations caiiitd on in Egypt 
from 1881 to 1885,^’ which is^ published in the Bulletin ae I'lnhUtnt 
tgyyticn (II G) It is, m fact, a good deal moie than a report Pro- 
fessor Maspcio explains in it the bcaimg of liis lecent discoveries upon 
the history and religion of ancient Egypt, and states, with his usual 
felicity, conclusions which will be new not only to the general public, 
but to Egyptian •students as well The discovery of i necropolis of the 
twelfth dynasty at Sakkdrah, and the tombs of the eleventh dynasty 
he has uncovered at Thebes, havo refuted Mariette’s theory of a break 
between the Egypt of the Old Empire and the Egypt of the Theban 
dynasties On the contrary, the ait and leligion of Thebes is now shown 
to be but a continuation and development of the ait and leligion of 
IMcmphis The caily Theban tomb is but a modiheation of the later 
jMemphitc pyiamids , the funereal texts painted on the walls of the 
niastaba oi the pyramid of a Pepi find themselves on the walls of the 
tombs of Thebes 

Farfiom altering the ideas and images of the Memphite epoch, the first 
Theban epoch has copied Ihom servilely , the sole innovation it has permitted 
Itself li IS consisted in vdding the scenes of the private sepulchral chambers 
to the texts of the royal imbers of the sixth dynasty The aitistic style 
IS the same in both cises, md the figures of the objects appear to have been 
copied from the s ime modt I The only real difference lies in the writing , 
sculptured or painted, the mastabas contain texts in carefully executed 
hieroglyphics only, whik the painted tombs of the Theban period contain 
only cursive hieroglyphs ” 

The pyiamids of the fifth and sixth dynasties which Professoi Maspero 
has opened h we furnished him with a laige abundance of funerary texts 
They prove that the Egyptian pantheon of that remote age was as 
tlueUy peopled with divine beings as the pantheqn of the age of the 
Ramcssides ^'The myths,^^ says Professor Maspeio, ^Svhich corre- 
spond to each of the divine names are already fully developed and fully 
complete To cite one example only, the Osman leligion is precisely 
what it was when leveaUd to us in the monuments of the Theban age 
The struggle between Osins and Sit, the action of Nephthys and I&is, 
the intei vent ion of Anubis, of Thoth, of Horus and of his ministers are 
alieady settled even in their most minute details To hud the origins 
of the ofiicial cult, or to tiace Egyptian religion thiough the eailier 
stages of its giowth, we must go back to that prehistoric peiiod of which 
dim traditions alone survived But the phrases fossilized as it were m 
the leligious texts have enabled Professor Maspero to discover more than 
one feature of the early faith Thus he points out that “the two religions 
which chiefly contnbuted to the mortuary ritual in use, if not through- 



out Eijypt, at all events at Jlcinphis under the Old Empire, weie those 
of the tvvo citits of Iltliopolisand Abydos/' and he furtliei believes that 
the religion of Abides was modihtd and jemodelled at Heliopolis 
More fetal tling aie the conclusions which he diaws fiomthe expiessions 
that desciibc “the absorption and digestion of the gods by the dead 
Thufe the double oi «;pirit of Unufe is declared to “ c it men and to nourish 
hiiiifeclf upon them" “Shosmu Ins dismembcicd (the gods) foi Unas, 
uul lias cooked their limbs in his binning childrons It is Unas who 
dcvouistheu magic viituos and who eats then souls, and the great 
among them aie the lood of Unis in the moining, the inferior among 
them are his dinner, the sm ill imong them arc the suppci of Unas m the 
evening, thS old men and old women ifie loi his ovens Only one 
infeience can be drawn fioni feiieh woids Not only must human saciihce 
have once been piactiscd in Fg\pt— i iite, indeul which seems never 
to have become altogcthci c\tinet in the countiy, but, as among the 
Polynesian I'slanders, it ran‘^t hive been accompanied by cinnibalibm 
The courage and stiength of the encmv weie supposed to be ti insfeiied 
to those who devouicd him, and it is pi iiii tint when the s icied texts of 
the Old Eg})vtnn Empiic wcie composed the same bcliet must still have 
lingered at all events m the language The symbolic einnibilism of the 
soul points to a ical cannibalifem pi letised at the religious feasts of the 
prehistoiic da}s 

The excavations earned on by AIi rinulcrs Pitric, the winter before 
last, on the site of N luki itife, form the subject of a goodlj -sized 
volume isfeued by the E^^pt Exploi ition Fund,^ tlio'^e coiulm ted list 
winter by !Mi Gudnci being icscrvtd for a futuie volumo Clianters 
have been added to the woik l)y Messt« C Smith, E Gardner, and 
B V Head, on the carl) jiotteiy, lilt'd iptions^^and coins found on the 
spot, and the latter poition of the book is occupied by a long senes of 
valuable plates I have alieuly anticipated the account given in it by 
Mr Petrie of Ins recovery of the long-lost city, as will as of the most 
important resuUs deiived fiom its elisinterment Its foundation seems* 
to go back to the time ot P-jammotikhos T, when a manufacture of 
fccarabsei was started in the town, intl the fust temple of Apollo, of 
which tiaoes onl) have been discoveied, was piobably founded a little 
later, about b c 610 It is liom a trench within the prceiuets of this 
temple, into which the bioken or discarded pottery of the sanctuary 
was thrown, that inscriptions of the highest importance for the history 
of the Greek alphabet have been taken The majority of them are 
written in the Ionic form of the alphabet, and aie in many instances 
older than the famous inscriptions engiaved by the Greek mercenaries 
of Psammetikhos II on the colossi of Abu Simbel They prove that 
the latter do not belong to the reign of Psammetikhos I indeed 
has long been maintained by Egyptologists, despite the assertion of 
Herpdotos that it was Psammetikhos I who puisued the Egyptian 
deserters into Ethiopia 

The great Temenos, or sacred enclosure, which was the joint work of 
nine of the chief cities of Asia Minor and the rallying-point of the 
Greeks in Egj pt, lies at the southern end of the ruined town It V?as 
called the Hellenion, according to Herodotos, and within it stood the 
altar on which the representatives of the nine cities offered sacrifice 
* “NaukratM,’*^ part i , 1884-5 London Trubner & Co 



The walls of the Temenos have now for the most part disappeared, 
though their foundations can still bo traced, and it was underneath the 
corners of a gateway erected on their line by Ptolemy Philadelphos that 
Ml Petrie found foui ceiemonial deposits of models, including miniature 
workmen's took Towards the southern end of the enclosure was a 
brick structuie, containing doorless and windowlcss chambers, in which 
Mr Petiie sees the remains ot a fort, though his aiguments on behalf 
of his view do not convince me It may be added that nothing has 
been found which can be dated later than the third centuiy of our era , 
the final luin and desertion of Naukratis may thercfoie be placed 
shoitly after the lemoval of Proklos and its ancient schools to Athens 
in ] 90 A D 

A H Sayci 


The concern so widely felt at present regarding the curiency 
has called forth, amid a shoal of controversial pamphlets, several 
works of solid and enduring value A Soetbeei's “Mateiialien zur 
Erlaiitcrung und Bcuitheilung der wiithschattliclicn Edelmetallver 
hdltni«!se und der W ihrungsfrage has already been lefeired to in 
this Review by M de Laveleye, who, though a bimetallist, accepts this 
German monometallist's figures as the most complete and authori- 
tative wc as yet possess on tin subject M Soetbeei has investigated a 
wider aiea than Ins predecessors, and by means of this knowledge, togcthei 
with his native resource and discrimination, has avoided some eiiors into 
which they had fallen , still, except on points like the ai nual production 
and the annual coinage, the results he ai lives at can haidly claim to be 
more than the bebt guesswoik that can be had in the circumstances, and 
c in inspire little confidence iii conclusions that may be diiwn fiom them 
For example, it is very impoitant m the piesent bimetallic controveisy to 
know the proportion of the annual production of gold that is devoted to 
industiialuses The common impression is, that it is small when com- 
pared with the pioportion that goes to the mint , but M Soetbeer, on the 
other hand, comes to the conclusion that out ot 144,000 kilogiams pro- 
duced, 90,000 go to mdustiial purposes, basing liis mfeience on official 
inquiiies made of American jewelleio, ot whom gicat numbers refused to 
answer at all, and, in regard to the rest, it cannot be known whether they 
did not exaggeiate their business, and whether they did not confound 
metal lecast with metal fresh fiorn the mine Mr Giffen, in his second 
series of Essays m Finance^^ (London Bell), deducts from M Soetbeer^s 
estimate exactly one-half for metal drawn from the coinage, but without 
offering any data either for making this deduction, or for accepting the 
lest of the estimate Neithei M Soetbeer^s estimate nor Mr Giffen's iider 
can therefore be taken foi science, or for anj thing better than experi- 
enced guessing, yet with Mr Giflcn they form pait of the basis, not meiely 
for inference, but foi prediction His new collection of essays, howevei, 
must not be judged by this item alone, it contains a gieat deal of most 
valuable matter, and of singularly clear and able exposition, and not the 
least valuable and able chapter in it is that which has just been alluded 
VOL. LI ^ 



to — the only clnpioi ihat has not been published bcfoie — that on “The 
Gold Supply^ the Kite of Discount and Prices/^ in which the influence of 
the gold supply ovei the latcot discount ind the prices of commodities 
through its operation on the Bank reseives is admiiably explained 
Ml Gilftn still believes in the existence at present of a scaicity of gold 
n hicli keeps pi ices low, and when asked why, then, the Bank reserves have 
shown no contraction, and the rate of discount has not risen, he replies 
that though the discount rite undoubtedly keeps low on the aveiage, its 
movement is singulaily fe\eiish, rising it times to a considerably highti 
maximum th in usual w hen the aveiago is so low But is this necessarily a 
sign of a shoi toning gold supply ^ Mr Gilfen a«:sumo^ that it is, but offers 
no leason or pi oof A new v\ oik, in some lespects of more importance 
toi the monctaiy question than even M SoefcbeePs, is Ottomai HaupPs 
“ LTIistoiic moiiet lire de notic Temps (Berlin W ilthei et Apolani), a 
lemaikably complete leview of the iccent histoiy ot the euircncy m 
almost every country of the w^oild The author is a strong bimetallist 
of the new oi intern itional school of bimetallism founded by Ccinuselu 
in 1873, and in that school he belongs to the party tint insists (con- 
triry to Ceinuschi himself) th it the co opeiation of England is .absolutely 
indispcn^^able to the success of the ‘scheme But his giasp of the situ ition 
is certainly unpiejudiced and fii m He sees no sign of any scaicity of gold 
There is, he says, “ astiuggle for gold in the sense that the amount of 
the present annual production fiom the mines is less than the present 
annual demand for monetary and mdushnl pin poses togethci , but there 
IS no scarcity of gold in the sense that people cannot get as much of it 
as they want, and get it as easily as evei The stock of gold in tho 
world is really abundant The Geiman, Itilian, and other Govcinments 
that made veiy laige puielnscs some \ear& ago got tlieir wants sup- 
plied without difficulty, and without causing any inconvenience to then 
iieighbouis , and at this moment tlieic is no drain on the Bank leseivcs, 
and the lateof discount is low Some of the newest and most important 
paits of Haiipt*s book are his accounts of Oiicntal currencies, like those 
of China and the Straits, which had been cntucly neglected by Ins 
predecessors His estimate of the actual circulation in India is high, 
1200,000,000, but he gets this figuieby finding that t?70,000,000 had 
been coined since 18J55, and by then deducting 30 per cent for hoarding 
and recoining Thi« deduction seems small, but it is founded on a certain 
basis of fact, though an insiifhcient one — viz , that in the districts of 
India affected by famine in 1876-7-8 the silver brought to the mint 
to be recoined came to half tlic coinage of the year Mi J L 
Laughlm^s “ History of Bimetallism in the United States (New York 
Appleton) is important as a record of American experience, beciuse 
from 1792 to the present day the United States have been a bimetallic 
country, and have gone through almost every vauety of experience 
po^'Sible to such a country, but it is much more than a ehromclc of 
American moiiotary history — it penetrates to the causes of every succes- 
sive phenomenon, ind thus runs out into general investigations and dis- 
cu«!sions of almost every question of interest connected with tho euntocy 
hesc discussions arc thorough and able, and there are few more instruc- 
tive books in English on such subjects The author is a monomctallist, 
although foi deferred payments he favours the unpiomising idea of a 
multiple standard constituted by tho average prices of a number of staple 



ai tides for a ceitiin numbei of years Among the most important 
paits of hib woik aie his treatment of the exceptionally large production 
of silver towards the close of last ccntuiy — to which, indeed, he is the 
fiist to diaw special attention , and his discussion of the depreciation of 
silver since 1876, in which ho shows that the German sale of 
demonetized silver was too small to c luse that depieciation, or even to have 
any effect whale vei on the price of silver, and that the decline in the 
annual production at the mines is also too small to account for it, the 
production of silvei having been thicc tunes as great as that of gold at 
the beginning of this centuij, but only 27 times as great in 1852, and 
only 68 times now IIis own belief is — and in this he is probably 
light — that the tiue cause of the present depreciation lies in deeper 
and more peiinanent changes affecting the demand for gold and silver 
^Aith the growth of wealth, gold moie hnd more supplants silver 
foi oinaments, and with the giowth of commeice for tiausporting 
money Silvei has suffeied because it is le‘3s sought ifter since gold 
has giown cheaper and moie abundant It is this strong natural 
pieference that has, in his opinion, depicciatcd the white 
metal, and that bimetallists aie now vainly seeking to turn back 
In the new edition of Knics’s impoitant woik, ^^Das Geld^^ 
(Beilin Weidmann), the only consideiable change is a new chaptei 
discussing the theory of international bimetallism, which had been 
first propounded by Ceinuschi after the publication of the previous 
edition Hib discussion is acute and valuable, and he comes to the con- 
clusion tint intcinxtional bimetallism is impracticable — (1) because 
an inteinalional agreement cannot possibly fi\ the lelativc price of 
silvci and gold, unless all the raineb in the worltl aie put undei intei- 
11 ition il m in igemcnt, and pioduction legulated so is to maintain unity of 
price, and (2) because nations are too divided m inteiests evci to adhere 
to any agreement they might come to on the subject A war might at 
any moment drive a weak nation mtoafoiced papei curicncy, and at all 
times the gold-pioducmg countiics would have opposite interests to the 
silvci-pioducing For the second of these points the histoiy of the Latin 
monctaiy union is of some impoit mcc, beeau^-o it is an actual e\peiiment 
of a Bimetallic Le iguc, and its expeiieiiccs have been lately deseiibed in 
“Die Scbicksale des L iteinibcheii Munzbundes,^' by the well-known 
Gei man politician, L Bambergci (Berlin L Simon), and “Die Latcinisclie 
Munzconventioii und dcr Internationale Bimetallismus ” (Basel H 
Geoig), by the Swiss fmanciei, A Buickljaidt-Bischofi Both aie instruc- 
tive and cleaily written books, and sh ow forcibly the pi actical difficulties of 
maintaining a permanent international monetaiy union “ The Theoiy of 
Bimetallism,” by Mi D Barbour, Financial Secietaiy of India (London 
Cassell & Co ), contains a \cry lucid and candid statement of the theory 
of the subject, though it is lather weak in its facts, and not fiee from 
economic mistakes that are realljr surprising in a financier 

Of the other recent economic books the most important aic still in 
the legion of finance. The venerable economist Itoscher has published 
a new volume of his “ System dcr VolkswirthschafV^ devoted to the 
department of finance (Stuttgait Cotta) It is marked by lloscher’s 
well-known characteristics — immense reading, and concise, sensible 
exposition — and it constitutes an invaluable repertory of facts and 
opinions on all questions lelating to State domains, loyalties, taxes. 



expenses, and debts It is to be followed soon by another \oIutnc on 
the relief of the pool, which will complete the work Piofessoi 
Lorenz \on Stem is less learned than Roscher, but goes much more 
fully into the discussion of piinciplcs in his impoitant and standard 
Lehrhuch der Pinanzwissenschaft ” (^Leipzig Brockhaus), of which a 
new and improved edition has just ippcaied We have absolutely no 
systematic woiks of this soit on the sub)cct in English In M Leon 
Say^s lectures on demociatic taxation, “ Les Solutions Dcmociatiqucs 
de la Question des Impots’^ (Pans Guilliumin), we have an able 
and well-infoimed discussion of the modern tcndcnLies to favour exclu- 
sively direct taxation, to raise the minimum of exempted income, and to 
rcsoit to the graduation piinciple He is opposed to them all, and views 
them fiom a lathei rigid French economic standpoint, but his examina- 
tion of them IS instinctive, if not ilwa^s convincing He pioduces 
striking evidence liom the history of medn 3 v d Florence to prove how a 
graduated income tax can be made an instrument of mining party 
opponents and ciushing political independence, and from Ziuicli m 
our own day to show how it sometimes defeats its own object, and 
makes the tax-paying capital of the country to shiink so much before 
it, that the lowci incomes h ive in the end to beai heavier burdens than 

ever This lesult, however, points to the existence of i natuial limit to 
the scope of gr iduated taxauon, and the experience of Zii» ich is that the 
citizens can recognize that limit, and tuin in time , is has been shown by 
Professor Gustav Cohn in a vcr> thorough examination he makes of 
the sjbtcra of taxation in Zuiich in one of the economic studies which 
he has just collected into a volume nndci the title of National- 
okonomische Studien^^ (btuttgait F Enkt) These studies treat of 
vaiious subjects, such as industrial ficedom, co-opciation, legal regulation 
of houis of labour in Gcimany, Stock Exchange tax, &c , and evince 
always a lare misteiy at once ovei principles and ovci details Cohn, 
indeed, has no suporioi among Gciman economists, and his essays arc 
well worth studying 

I have more than once mentioned with ippunal a new school of 
economists that arc using up in Austria, who build substantially, but 
independently, on the lines of the old English economists, and aie 
producing works of an admirably exact and scientific character One 
of then latest products )b an excellent little book, by Dr Anton 
Mengei, Piofessoi of Law (who must not be confounded with Dr Cail 
Menger, the economist), on the claim of right which distinguishcb the 
Socialism of our time fiom the bocialisrn of the past — the claim of the 
labourer to get the complete pioduct of his labour — ‘^Das Ilecht auf 
den Vollon Arbcitsertrag (Stuttgart J G Cotta) His book con- 
sists largely of a history of opinion on this claim of light, drawn from 
the oiiginal sources, and he shows most conclusively that Rodbertus 
and Marx, in spite of their coiitcntions with one another about their 

onginality, had been completely 
by the early English Socialists 
theory of surplus value in Maix^s 
knew Thompson’s wuUng^ 
^r\ves very inadcfiuatc 
m d( scribing Godwin as the 
Bcienlihc Socialism of our day 

anticipated m their peculiar doctiines 
William Thompson taught Marxes 
own woids twenty years before Marx, 

, hut acknowtedged no debt to them 
ittcntion to 11 Owen, and he errs 
first leprescnlative of the so-called 
Godwin may have been the first to 



preach Socialism as a claim of right on the pari of the labouiing 
class, but modern Socialism calls itself scientific because it builds that 
claim on a misunderstanding of a particular economic — i € , scientific — 
theory, which did not influence Godwin^s speculations In connection 
with Socialism, the new edition of CSrl Mario's Untersuchungen ubei 
die Organization der Arbeit" (Tubingen Laupp), which was looked 
forward to with much interest, will prove dis ippointmg, inasmuch as the 
hitherto unpublished matter it contains is small, and includes no account 
of the practical sdieme by which the iiithoi meanii to eoraplete his system 
Still, it IS well to h ivc so valuable a woik,bcaring on cvc^ypige the stamp of 
origin il and elevated thought, made more accessible Professor Poxweirs 
seasonable little work, Ii regularity of Employment and Fluctuations ot 
Puces (Edinburgh Co-oper itive Punting Co ) deserves the attention of 
all social leformeis, both foi its admii able analysis of the causes of indus- 
trial fluctuations and for its important piacticil s iggestions towards 
icmcdial and pievontivc action He discusses successively the influence of 
changes in the value of the curiency,of periodical inflitions and contrac- 
tions in Cl edit, and of changes m fashion and m productive methods, and 
concludes tint these may all be greatly mitigated by publicity and 
organization By publicity he means more than a ‘^ystem of commercial 
statistics which would enable people to know bettei what they weic 
doing, and lca\c less loom foi i ish speculation and misduected enterprise, 
for he would iii ceitam cncumstances publish names , and by' organiza- 
tion he understands vaiious specilic incasuies of State oi trade-guild 
c(jiitrol One of Ins m6st useful ideas is that the liability of diiectois of 
limited ccynpanies ought to bo increased to four oi five times then shuc 
interest, he would also impose a loyalty on inventions, to provide tlie 
means ot giving tempoiaiy aid to the woikmen who have been depiived 
of tlicir livelihood through the changes tlie inventions have caused 
The present fill in piiccs ne attiibutes, with so many othei economists, 
to the seal city of gold , and for th it and othei reasons he is inclmed to 
bimctillisni, though he does not commit himself to the oidinary pio- 
posals ot bimetallists, but speaks with approval of a plan winch would 
be both more cflectiial and moie easily practicable foi the same 
purpose — the issue ot a £1 papei cuiiency on a double oi alternative 
basis of gold or silvci, picsumably at then raaiket lates The 
Ameiican Tiade Unions form the subject of a veiy instructive book 
by Professor Sai tonus Fieiherr v Waltershausen, of Zurich — “Die 
Nordamenkamscheii Geweikschaften (Berlin H Bahi) — showing 
the independent rise of these Unions out ot Americin conditions, and the 
peculiaiities which those same conditions contiibuted to their development 
The most impoitaiit of these peculiarities are the concentiation of the 
action ot Amciican Unions on the attainment of shorter hours rather 
than of highei wages, and the tendency, arising for the most paifc since 
the civil wai, to mcigc the true trade unionin amoic universal oiganiza- 
tion, like that of the Knights of Labor The author states tliL American 
experience of an eight-hours day of lahoui to be that pioduction has 
Buttered nothing from the reduction, because m tiades employing little 
machinery the labourer was less exhausted and did as much in the eight 
hours as he did previously in ten, and m tiades employing much 
machinery the employer was foiced to find compensation in some new 
invention If this is so, it is another argument against the Socialist 



contention that i bhoit day is the necessary cure for ovei -production 
Much inform itioii is given nbout Boycotting, which is an old 
American institution, much used, not merely by societies like the 
Knights of Laboi, but by unions oi ictiil dealeis who wish to prevent 
laigei (kilcib fiom undcisellmg them Dr Homiich Fioramcr his 
subjected the reports on Profit-sharing contained in Boehinert*s book, 
111 the Ficnch “EnquCte^^ and elscwheie, to a very acute and wcll- 
instiuctcd analysis, in a book entitled Die Crewinubetheiliguiig 
(Leipzig Ddnckcr & Hiimblot) Most of the cases mentioned in those 
icports aie cither ^lot cases of piof\t-shaiing at all, or aie inbufficiently 
dcbciibed, but he selects twenty-seven as the basis of his investigation, 
and finds from these that the sphere of successful ipplication for profit- 
sliuingis ^mall, because theie aic few blanches of industry wheic it 
tan be brought to bear so as to increase matcriilly the quintity 
01 quility of the hboiiier’s output or to ivoid the possibility of a 
strike AVliether we agice with his conclusions oi no, liis book is 
woitli consulting In Pans, Count d’lliussonvillt his gone a slum- 
ming, and now gives a most \ivid dcsciiption of tlie misery he saw, in 
a book cdled ^Oliserc ct llemtdes^^ (Pans Calmann Levy) The 
oveiciowding, filth, immoiality, drunkeiiiicss, seem all to be consider- 
ably ^^orse than in London, and although the authoi^'^ compaiison 
ot the pauperism of London and Pans is to some extent faulty fioin 
piocccding on two diffoicnt statistical oaces, his conclusion is plainly 
sound enough, that thcic is more pauperism in Pans, and, what is 
i\oiso, tint it IS Incicasing there, while it is declining hcio lie lijs 
consoquently no limit to liis admu ition for the admiiiistraiivc^efficicney 
of the Lnglisli guaidians As foi icrnedies, he fiankly confesses 
there is none (foi he believes the causes of misery to he indestruc- 
tible and eternal), Lut only some judicious palliatives, such as tliiift, 
education, co-opci itiuii, and, above all, chanty 

Joirx Kae 


— Mr Edwin Hodder^s ^M^ifi and Work of the Seventh 
Lail ot bhaftesbury, K G is a woik ot singul ii merit The author 
has enjoyed one gicat advantage wlurli is not umi il among biograpbcis — 
he did his woik, if not in positive collaboiation, yet in constant com- 
munication with the eminent person who is the subject of it, and was 
thus able to get a moie complete underst inding of every different trans- 
action than he could otherwise have obtained But apart from that 
advantage, he has shown excellent judgment ind literary skill m his use 
of his abundant mateuals, and the result is lint we have got a very full 
md distinct portraiture of one of the most remarkable and noble figures 
of the century Lord Shafteshury^s religious views may be pi enounced 
nanow, but without them we should piobably never have had his social 
woik, which it seems cost him ten years' estiangenicnt from his father, 
besides damaging his political prospects The Factory Acts may not stnkc 

* London Cassell & Co 



the imagination so niucli as the cniaucipation of the slaves, hut they 
have probably dono as much good in the world, and they were won by 
a much more trying battle Tlierc is a curious letter in these volumes, 
in which Lord Shaftesbury himself remarks that Wilberfoice had Pailia- 
ment and society at his back, while he himself had to contend against 
many of the best men of the time — The? hist impression of “ The 
Hayward Letters ^ is one of disappointment A prince of gossips, 
moving constantly among the great, if his letters wcie anything like 
his e«5says, they would have been, as more than one of his correspondents 
tells him, an inimitable mirror oi the inner side of the literature, politics, 
and society of his time But, as it turns out, his own letters aie the 
flattest m the book They contain little more than the mention of a 
dinnei party he attended, or of a political rumour he heard, and give us no 
idea of the entertaining gifts or the political sag icity th it secured for him 
his peculiar position in society Still, there is much to interest in these 
volumes, especially the letters of some of his coriespondonts, such as 
Lady Duflerin, Mrs Noiton, and Sydney Smith Occasionally we get 
an excellent anecdote or hon motj and we have all through the pleasing 
sense of having to do with a man of genuine character, true to his 
friends and his convictions, and most conscientiously laboiious in his 
literary undertakings down to the very close of his long caieer — Hugh 
Stowcll Brown’s Autobiography -f is a manly and most interesting 
account of a manly and useful career Mr Biown’s youth seems to 
have had its shaie of checks and troubles, but Ins m inhood ran on with 
unusual smoothness, spent indeed in many labours, but in almost hnvaiy- 
ing success The book is marked throughout by great candoui, freedom 
fiom aflectation of any sort, and strong common-sense Ills remaiks 
are often singularly shrewd, and arc often veiy amusing Mi Came 
adds to the autobiography some hundred odd pages of extracts fiom Mi 
Brown’s commonplace book — which seems to have partaken to some ex- 
tent of the charactei of ajouinal — and two hundicd more pages of sermons 
Tkavpl — In a well-written and beautifully got-up work on “Persia and 
the Pcisians,” J Mr S G W Benjamin gives us the fiuits of his tniee 
yeais^ experience of Persia as United States Minister at Teheran He has 
manifestly studied the people and country with great care and success , 
for that end he enjoyed consideiable advantages in having had a previous 
familiarity with Eastern hie, and in the opportunities he derived fiom 
his oflicial position He has much to say of every phase of Peisian 
life — political, religious, economic, social — and as he endeavours as far as 
possible to explain as well as describe, his work is exceedingly instructive 
on the whole present condition of the nation His words about the 
English loss of influence and the Eussian gam, in spite of the Shah’s 
dislike of Russia, deserve attention in this country, as the words ot an 
independent witness He considers the active interference of Russia to 
be already a great obstacle to all internal progress in Persia, and he com- 
plains not merely of Russian biibery of officials, but of her inveigling 
Nestorian and Armenian subjects ot Persia across the frontier by fair 
promises, and then, after they have settled, denying them the free exercise 

* ** A Selection from the Correspondence of AbraJiam Hayward, Q C * Edited by 
Henry E Carlisle London J Murray 

fLditedbyW S Came, MP London Routlcdge 
X London J obn Murray 



of their leligion — Di J L Portei’s Jerusalem, Bethany, and Beth- 
lehem ” IS not meant foi a leirned treatise on the topography or history 
of Jeni'-alcm, but foi a populai vvoik of description, that shall give the 
gcnei il 11. idcr vome faiily idcqiiitc idea of the present appeaiance of 
the llolj City and its vicinity Di PoiUi does not approach the 
sij])jLct with unwashed hands Besides being a theologian by profession, 
lie has lived for a number of yeais in Palestine, and written Muriay’s 
Handbook for that country Ills de'?ciiptions are simple, but effective 
ind interesting, and they aio veiy much aided by excellent engiavings, 
taken, most of them, from photographs Altogether, this is a pretty and 
attr ictive book — Mr Edward Money through having been deceived by an 
emigration agent in London about the advantages of a particular tract 
of land in California, to which he was persuaded to resoit, writes “The 
Truth about Amu 1C X ” i mainly to put othei intending emigiants on 
then guard , and for this pin pose it ought certainly to be useful He 
tells us that great pait of the Western States ib, and must always lemam, 
mere deseit Much of the le&t of his book is tiken up with an account 
of the virtues of the Coloiado spiings as a health le&oit 

MiscurwiOL^ — The Owens College in Manchester is one of the 
most remarkable growths of the centuij 'Fhe fiuit of the liberality 
and wise management of private but public-spuitcd citizens, it has 
already in little moie than tliiity years attained a position which, whether 
measured by the number of its students ortho eminence of its professoi«s, 
may vie w itli Bonn and other ere itions of educational States like Prussia 
The history of this institution is therefore well woitli knowing, and we 
can now learn it veiy completely fiom the caiefnl and unpietcnding 
work of Ml Jobcph Thompson % The origin of the college is veiy 
interesting John Owens, cotton spinner, hiving no hens, wished to 
leave his loitune to his partner, Gcoige Euilknci,but Faulknoi, though 
twice pressed to have it, said “ No, I have enough , leave it to found 
a college If it was Owens' money, it was Paulknei s self-sacrifice, th it 
built Owens College Faulknci wis also the first chan man of the 
tiustees, and the donor of the first building which the college occupied , 
and whenever Owens College is mentioned, Faulkncr^s name ought to 
be lemcmbtied Mi Thomp<?on gives us inteiesting notices of other 
remarkable men who wcic associated with the establishment of the 
institution such as J B Smith, Muk Phillips, and James Hey wood , 
and of its first principal, A J Scott — Mrs Pieilfer^fa Sonnets have 
already won very wide lecognition as the work of a poetess inspired by 
high thought and pure and delicate feeling, and leaders will 
he glad to welcome a new edition of them, in which about one-third of 
the w hole are entiicly new, and published now for the fiist time Of these 
perhaps the most striking and beautiful aie those suggested by various 
scenes in nature, such as that on Cluny Water, and the two on Mid-Ocean 
and Niagara, which aie placed side by side, and regard two similai 
natural objects in opposite moods The sonnet on Goidon contains some 
fine lines, and “ The Coming Day ” is veiy pleasing and complete both 
in thought and expression 

Ldio burgh T Nelson & Sons t London Sampson Low & Co 

i The Owens Collt^ge its houndation and Growth Manchester J E Cornish 
§ Loudon b itld & luer 

IRELAND 1782 AND 1887 

D uring the recent discussions in regard to L eland no adequate 
attention has been given to the question of the views 
of the Rockingham Ministry in 1782 as to the right and proper 
relations to be established between Great Britain and Ireland , what, 
in fact, they would have done, if they had had a free hand, or had 
met with a negotiator less intractable than Grattan/ Yet this 
question IS not one of historical interest only, but of practical im- 
portance also 

In the Rockingham Administration the Duke of Portland was 
Loid Lieutenant of Ireland, and he took uith him General Fitz- 
patrick as his Chief Secretary, Mr Fox was Secretary of State for 
Foreign Affairs , Lord Shelburne was Secretary of State for the 
Home and Colonial Departments, and as such was responsible for 
the government of Ireland 

The recognition of the claim of Iieland to be a distinct Kingdom, 
with a nght to a separate Legislature of her own for all purposes, was 
the objedi of the movement of which Grattan was the leader That 
this claim was founded on right, and had on grounds of expediency 
to he accepted, was admitted by the Whig statesmen of the 
time in England But they also saw that there were subjects which 
the geographical position of the two countnes, their past history, 
and their mdustnal interests, rendered it desirable and indeed neces- 
sary should be recognized as common property Ireland, in their 
opinion, was too near to be a separate State with safety to the external 
relations of Great Britain , she was too distant to be altogether incor- 

* The s^ch mode by Mr Childers on the second reading of the Goi ernineiit of 
Ireland Bill is an exception to the above remarks 



porated with due regaid to the efficient management of her own 
mterin.1 affaiis 

The "Ministry of Lord Rockingham had come into office on the 
27tli of Mirch, 1782 The moment was one of the gloomiest m 
English history The nation had just been stunned by the news of 
the great suireiider at Yoik Town, it was an open question whether 
tlic intelligence of the surrendei of Gibraltar might not be expected 
to follow , the power of the fleet to cope successfully with the 
combined na\ Its ot Fiance, Spam, and Holland, was doubtful, an 
in\asion was discussed m every household m the land as a serious 
possibility, and the resoinccs of the country to meet it were dis- 
puted by competent judges Ireland was m the hands of the armed 
Volunteers, and I^ngland^s difficulty was, as usual, Ireland's oppor- 
tunity ^^The liberties of America were inseparable from ours/^ 
said Grattan m 1799, leferriiig to this period, ^^they were the only 
hope of Ireland, and the only refuge of the liberties of mankind 
The satistaction of Ii eland was therefore, in 1782, the first condition 
of the safety of England, and imposed itself on the Ministcis as their 
first and most imperious duty 

The four gric\anccs of licland were, in the words of Giattan, ^^a 
foreign Icgislatuic, a foreign judicatuic, a legislative Privy Council, 
and a pcipctual aimy,^^t ^-nd they were set forth m the Amendment 
to the Address carried by him in the lush Parliament on the 17th 
of Apiil j. ^ 

My opinion [Fox wrote to hitzpatnck, on the 28th of April] is clear 
for giving tlnm all they isk , but foi giving it them so as to secure us Irom 
luithcr deni aids, ind at tlic same time to have some clcii und( rstanding with 
leapect to wli it WL ire to expect irom Ireland in return for the protection 
and a«!‘>ibtince which she receives from those llects which cost us such 
enormous sums and her nothing If they mean really w( 11 to then country, 
they must Avidi ^oine final adju&tment which maj preclude further disputes , 
it they mean nothing but consequence to themaches, th^ will insist upon 
these points being given up simply, without my leciprocar cngigement , and 
as soon aS this is done, begin to ittack wh itevei is left, in order to continue 
the ferment oi thr country In one word, what I want to guard acainst is 
Jon ith in Wild’s plan of seizing one p irt in older to dispute afterwards about 
the remainder ’ 

Lord Ilockmgham, writing in an exactly similar strain, said that 
the essential points of the Irish demands having first been conceded, 
it would be the duty of both countries to consider how finally to 
arrange, settle, and adjust all matters, whereby the union of power 
and strength, and mutual and reciprocal advantage, might be best 
permanently fixed, and he spoke favourably of the appointment of 

^ Speech of Oct 28, 17 “(Tiattin s Speeches,” i 183 
t (‘rattan to Fox, April 18 17c2 ‘ hox s C orrespomleuce,” i 403 
t * Grattan s Speeches,” 1 120 

“hox s Correspondence,” by Loid Russell, i 112 * 

IRELAND 1782 AND 1887 


Commissioners " on both sides, to draw up the heads of an 
agreement between the two countiies ^ * * * § 

Of a preciselj’’ similar character was the language of Lord Shel- 

[ho said, writing to tho Duke of Poitlind, on the day following 
that on which Fox had addressed the Ohiet Secretar} J the tics by which 
the two kingdoms h ive been Inthcrto so closely united are to be loosened 
or cut asunder, is your Grace ycl picpaicd to advi&c whether iny, 
and if so what, substitutions arc thought of, for the pieservation of the 
remaining connection betw cen us If by the proposed modification of 
Poyning’s Law, so much powei is tiken from the two Privy Councils as 
thtj arc now constituted, are wo to look for my igrofment in an} new insti- 
tution of Council, which miy inswcr the puipose ot keeping up the appen- 
dincy and connection of liehnd to the Crown ot Grcit Britain, and of 
preventing th it contusion which must arise in all cases of common concern 
from two P irliaincntb with distinct and equxl powers, and without any 
operating centre ’ f 

On the 11th of May, Fox, in another letter to Fitzpatiick, explained 
his views , wli it he intended, he said, was to grant the concession 
of ‘internal legislation^ as a prelimmiry, accompanied with a modifi- 
cation of Poyning^s Law and a temporary Mutiny Bill , and he hoped 
that, having made these concessions, they might be able to treat of 
^ other matters ^ so amicably as to produce an arrangement that would 
prcseivc the connection between the two countries The other 
matters wcic the Final Judicature and the question of the contribu- 
tion of Ireland to Imperial expenses Shelburne suggested the foimal 
negotiation of the articles of a treaty, for as such, he said, he re- 
garded his proposals , § and he urged a little judicious temporizing in 
the hope that the situation abroad might in the interval improve But 
Grattan, recognizing the immense advantage which tins situation gave 
him in negotiaftng with Great Britain, refused to entertain any idea 
of compromise There was not only, he said, to be no “ foreign 
legislature, but there were to be no commissioners^' to negotiate a 
treaty, II and there was, above all, to be no delay in granting all the 
demands of Ireland With this information before him, the Duke of 
Portland, who from the tunc of his arrival m Dublin had up till this 
moment ftneouraged both the Secretaries of State to believe that 
Grattan would come into their views, and might even make con- 
cessions 1 in regard to the final appeal in judicial matter now 
informed them that the claims of Ireland on all the four principal 
demands must be conceded, and conceded at once, as the whole 
country w^as m a state of the wildest excitement, and wes rapidly 

* Lord Rockingham to Lord Shelburne, May 25,1782, “ Paihamentary HTibtory,” 

x\xiv 079 

+ “Life of Lord Shelburne,’^ iii 144 t “box’s Correspondence,” i 417, 41 S 

§ “Life of Lord Shdburne,” iii 14'> |j See “ Life of Li ittan ” 

^ “Fox’s Correspondence/ j 416 , “Life of Lord bhelbuinc," in liS 

M 2 



escaping out of control ^ The concession of all the lush demands 
was accordingly decided upon The preliminary steps were therefore 
taken on the 1 7th of Mav, by a resolution in both Houses of the 
Britidi Pailnmcnt, for effecting the repeal of the 6th of George I 
c 5, the Act by which the right of the British Parliament to Icgis- 
litc for Ii eland was declared , and the necessary Bill was then intro- 
duced and rapidly passed into law 

At the same time, howe\er, another resolution was adopted in the 
following teims — 

“ That it IS the opinion of this lloube that it is indispensable to thtfinterest 
and happiness of both kingdoms that the connection between them should be 
est iblibht d by mutual consent upon a solid and permanent footing, ind that 
an humbh address be presented to llis Majesty, tint His Mijestywill be 
graciously plea**od to tike such mcisuics is His Mijcsty in his royal wisdom 
shall think most conducive to that end ’ ^ 

“ Ireland/^ said Fox, would have no reason to complain , the terms 
acceded to by England were proposed by herself, and all her wishes 
would now be gratified in the way which she herself liked best But 
as it was possible that if nothing more was to be done than what he 
had stated to be his intention, Ireland might perhaps think of fresh 
grievances and rise yearly in her demand**, it was fit and propci that 
something should be done towards establishing on a firm and solid 
basis the future connection of the two kingdoms But that was not to 
be proposed by him here in Parliament it would be the duty of the 
Crown to look to that , the business might be first begun by His 
Majesty^s servants in Ireland, and if afterwards it should be necessary 
to enter into a treaty, Commissioners might be sent from the British 
Parliament or from the Crown, to entei upon it and bring the nego- 
tiation to a happy issue, by giving mutual satisfaetion tgboth countries, 
and establishing a treaty which should be sanctified by the most 
solemn forms of the Constitution of both countries ” t 

For jthe moment, however, the hope of commencing negotiations 
with these objects was abandoned, and when, on the 27th of May, 
the Royal Message conveying the intention of His Majesty to concede 
all the demands of the Irish Parliament was delivered in Dublin, the 
Secretarv to the Lord Lieutenant announced that no measures were 
then intended to be gi ounded on the second English resolution of May 1 7 
For a time, however, the Duke of Poitland continued to hope 
against hope, and to nourish the >ain expectations with which from 
the beginning he had buoyed himself up, and had misled his colleagues 
During the month of June he allowed himself to be persuaded by 
Mr Ogilvy, the husband of the Duchess of Leinster, and stepfather 
to Lord Edward Fitzgerald, that Grattan was not really so 
intractable as he seemed to be, and in a scciet and confidential 

^ “ Lift of Lord ShelburDe, ** lu 140 + lo\ Speeches,** u 64, 65 

IRELAND 1782 AND 1887 


despatch^ written on the 6th of June, he urged that the Irish Parliament 
should not be at once prorogued, in order to give time for a possible 
arrangement in regard to common affairs But on the 22nd of June 
he was reluctantly compelled to express his disappointment and 
mortification at finding that liis hopes had proved entirely falla- 
cious, and that Mr Ogilvy wis a person not to be lelied upon 
The prorogation of the Irish Parliament was accoidmgly suffered 
to take place on July 27, and here the matter ended * “ Thus,^' 

exclaimed Grattan to his applauding audience — thus have you scaled 
a treaty with (Ircat Biitain , on her side the restoration of the final 
judicature, the extinction of her legislative claim, of her Privy 
Council , of her perpetual Mutiny Bill , the icpcal of the Act of 
legislative supremacy , on youi side satisfaction * And thus are the 
two nations compacted for ever in freedom and peace i 

\t the time of the Union a controversy arose in regard to these 
events Mr Pitt asseitcd that the ad)ustment of 1782 was not con- 
sidered by the British Ministers by whom it was effected as final in 
its ehai actor , but that, on the contraiy, they were fully convinced 
of the necessity of adopting some fuither measures to strengthen the 
connection between the two countries, and lie produced the corre- 
spondence which h^d passed in 1782 — extracts from which have been 
given above — as a reply to the lame attempt of General Fitzpatrick, 
who was still in Parliament, to deny that any such negotiation had been 
desired by the members of Lord Ilockingham^s Ministry General 
Fitzpatrick had declined to admit more than that the Duke of Portland, 
during his residence in Ireland, might have entertained a vague idea of 
some farther ai raiigemciit for consolidating the connection with Ireland, 
but had soon given it up , and Grattan in the Irish Parliament openly 
accused Lord Shelburne and the Duke of having concealed their 
views from their colleagues, and said that, above all, Mr Fox knew 
nothing of the nrojcct contained in the despatch of June 6 % The 
fact IS, that llo(^inghara^s Ministry was in June a house divided 
against itself, owing to differences of opinion as to the negotiation 
with France and the United States, and was almost in the actual 
throes of dissolution From a letter written by Pox in 1799 to 
Fitzpatrick, it certainly appears that the so-called Ogilvy " nego- 
tiation never was communicated to him § But the assertion of 
Mr Pitt went far beyond the Ogilvy negotiation — ^if negotiation it 
can be called What Mr Pitt asserted was, not that the corre- 
spondence proved that in June, 1782, the Ministers were actually 
intending to enter on any such negotiation, but that in the opinion 

* “Grattan*s Speeches,’' vol in 355, 409, Jan 15, heb 22, 1800 '‘Fox’s 
Correspondence,” i 426, “Life of Lord Shelburne,” in 149 , “ Pari jamentary History,” 
XXX 967 (Speech of General Jnt^patnek) f Speech of July 19, 1782 

X Speech of Grattan, Jan 16, 1800 ” Speeches,” \ol in 355 

^ ” Fox’s Correspondence,” i 431 



of the Piirac Mmistci^ of the Lord Lieutenant, and of both Secretaries^ 
of State, from tlic very commencement of the correspondence m 
April, the an ingement insisted on by Grattan was deficient, and 
could not pi ove final, and that they were only prevented by the stress 
of adverse circumstances and the impracticable character of the Irish 
leaders, from trjing to negotiate an agreement, by which Ireland should 
acknowledge that '‘the supcnnfending power and supremacy were where 
Nature had placed them — viz , m the Government of Great Britain 
What, then, was the new which the Whig Ministers took of the 
relations which it was desiiable to establish between Great Britain 
and Ireland — the relations which, had events bicti moic favourable, 
they would ha\c established^ Evidently it was not a legislative 
union, though they wished to retain tlu final judicial appeal in 
London The object of the Duke of Portland, as he e\plained m 
the secret despatch of the 6th of June, was that an Act of Pirlia- 
ment should be passed by the Legislatures of the lespectnc king- 
doms, bv which the superintending poiver and supremacy of Great 
Britain in all matters of State and general commerce would be 
virtually and efiectivcly acknowledged, a share of the expense 
in carrying on a defensive or offensive war, eithci in support of 
our dominions or those of our allies, should be lx)rne bj Ireland in 
proportion to the state of her abilities , and that she should adopt every 
such regulation as might be judged necessary by Great Biitain for 
the better ordering and securing her trade and commerce with foreign 
nations, or her own colonics and dependencies , consideration being 
duly had to the circumstances of Great Hritain " I'liis plan,^^ Lord 
Shelburne explained during the debates of 1799, "bad nothing to do 
with a legislative union t " It related, he said, " to what might be 
called the expense of the sjstcm which was carried on nndci the 
two Parliaments, in army, navy, commerce and finance, and in the 
great establishments of Church and State, and it ^ did not imply 
^ bringing the two Pailiaments together ^ X 

From tliesc passages it appears that what the Whig statesmen 
aimed at in 1782 was to obtain, in the first place, a clear acknow- 
ledgment of the Imperial supremacy, or, as they would have said 
in the language of the time, of the power of Great Britain in 
" external as distinct from " internal " legislation , and, in the nefxt 
place, a contribution from Ireland to the expenses of external 
administration and policy the fleet, the army, and the diplomatic and 
commercial establishments " I humbly conceive, said Burke, who 
be it remembered ,was a member of the Rockingham Government, 

^ Lord Shelburne to the Dul^e of Portland, June 9, 1782 

t ‘ I ifo of Ijord Shelburne, * iii 1 50 

t “ IVliamentary History,’* xxxiv 675, 678, “Memoirs of the Whig Party,” bj 
Loid Holland, 1847 , “ Life^f Lord Shelburne,** iii 554, 65j 

IRELAND 1782 AND 1887 


and the trusted ad\iser of his ofiicial chief, that the whole of the 
superior, and what I should call Imperial politics, ought to have its 
residence here [in London] , and that Ireland, locally, civilly and 
commercially independent, ought politically to look up to Great 
Hritain in all mattois of peace or war, and, in a word, with her to 
live and die At bottom, Ireland has no other choice — I mean no 
other national choice ^ 

Apart from their historical interest these negotiations have an 
important bearing on the controversy raised by the introduction of 
Mr Gladstone’s llill It has been seen that Grattan claimed, and that 
the Kockiugham Cabinet accepted, the absolute abandonment by Great 
Britain of the claim to legislate for Ireland But, said Mr Bryce in 
the recent debate — * 

“We have the right to legislate for Ireland, and we shall have it when the 
Bill becomes an Act We shall letiin, as a matter of right, the jiower to 
legislate for Ireland for all purposes whatever ior the simple reason that we 
cannot divest ourselves of it There is no principle more universally assented 
to than the absolute omnipotence of Parliament, because there is nothing 
beyond us oi behind us There is oik limitation and one only 

on our omnipotence, md that is that we cannot bind our successors If wo 
pass a statute annihilating our right to legislate, it may be lepudiated by our 
successors ’’ 

If the views put foiward by Mr Bryce are correct, Mr Fox was 
party to a direct fraud m proposing the repeal of the 6 George I c 3 
For, according to these views, the repealing Act was so much waste 
paper, and England would ha\c had as good a right to legislate foi 
Ireland the day after it had passed as the day before But J^r 
Fox openly stated that he was abaiulomiig the legislative supremacy 
of Great Britain, frankly and iirevocably The lesson which the Irish 
have been taughV^ he said in the debate of the 17th May, 1782, was — 

* f 

“ If you want anything, seek not for it unarmed and humbly, but take up 
arms, speak mantully and boldly to the British Ministry, and you will obtain 
more than you might at first have ventuted to expect This was the 
happy consequence of the ill usl made of the superintending power of the 
British Parliament, which was perverted fiom its true use, and mstead of 
being the pieans of rendering the different parts of tlie Empire happy and 
connected, hid made millions of subjects rise up against a power which 
they felt only as a scouige If therefore he should be obliged to move any 
proposition that might appear humiliating on the part of Great Biitain, or 
hurtful to the power of Englishmen, the fault'was not his — it was the fault of 
those who had left in the power of the Volunteers to make the demands con 
taine^ in the Address on the table, who had left it in their power not by 
leaving arms in their hands, but leaving them their injuries and oppressions 
It was his intention not to pursue the footsteps of his predecessors, and there 
fore he would agree to the demands of the Irish relative to the repeal of the 
6 George I ” f 

« Letter on the of Ireland, 1797 
t Pox's Speeches, 



It wjDuld piobably ha\c astonished the followers of Ci at tan, who 
on the aiiivil of the nens of Mr Pox's speech in Dublin went into 
transj)orts of patriotic joy and at once voted the Supplies asked for 
1)V tlie Irish Administiation, if they had been informed that while 
Ml Fox was using this language his real opinion was that no 
change whatever had been made in the law, that there was no 
piinciplc inoie universally assented to than the absolute omnipotence 
of tilt Jiritish Parliament, and that if indeed they had just passed 
a statute annihilating their right to legislate foi li eland, it might none 
the less be repudiated bv then successois nc\t div Why, it was the 
Acrv suspicion — most unjustly entertaintd — a few j cars after, th it ili 
Pitt, undei co^ei of his Irish commercial propositions, was seeking to 
im|)ugn the gicat principle of the logislitivc independence of Ireland 
in a matter of external Icgislition, winch dro\c the Dublin Pailia- 
raent almost beside itself with fuiv, and wrecked the plan But 
what nuts and honey would it have been to e\cry Irish oratoi, if he 
had been told that, in the opinion of the best English lawjcrs and 
statesmen, the legislative right of England still existed unimpaiicd, and 
extended not to the regulation of common ilfairs only, but to intcnial 
legislation also 

If, however, '^ny doubt remains as to the views which wcie en- 
tertained on the subject in 1783, it will be removed by a pciusal of 
the debates which immediately followed in the Irish Parliament, 
and culminated in the famous struggle between Flood and Giaitan 
on the 28th of October, 1783, when Flood, having denounced Grattan 
as a mendicant patriot/' and Giattan having ictoitcd by likening 
his* rival to a bird of prey with an evil aspect and a sepulchral note," 
the two leaders left the House in order to solve their diffcrciiccs by a 
duel, and weic only prevented meeting in deadlv combat by the inter- 
position of the Speaker, who wisely issued his warrant to apprehend 
them both 

The whole contention of^ Flood in these debates was that the 
mere repeal of the Act of George I was insufficient, and did not 
prevent its revival at any future peiiod , that it really left the matter 
where it stood, and that it was therefore necessary to bring in a Bill 
for declaring the sole and exclusive right of the Irish Parliament to 
make laws in all cases whatsoever, internal and external, for the king- 
dom of Ireland The contention of Grattan, on the contiary, was 
that the relations between Great Britain and Ireland were to be 
ascertained from the record of the whole of the recent transactions, 
which were transactions between two independent nations having 
a common Sovereign , and this being so, he said it was no 
more possible for Great Britain to reassert her legislative supremacy 
over Ireland than it would be for her to do so over the American 
colonies, if the pending negotiations resulted, as they evidently 

IRELAND 082 AND 1887 


wcie about to do, in a recognition of the independence of those 
colonies The relations between Great Britain and Ireland were, 
in fact, in future to be sought in the law of nations and not in the 
municipal legislation of cither country, which he said was no longer 

Now let us apply the analogy of the situation of 1782 to that of 
1887, on the assumption that Mr Gladstone's Bill had become law 
The Act of Geoigc I declared the right of the Parliament of Great 
Britain to legislate in all cases whatsoever foi Ireland The Act of 
George III repealed this Act The result of the repeal, in the 
opinion of all the leading statesmen of the time, was to estop the British 
Parliament foi c\er from legislating for Ii eland Afterwards the 
Act of Union gave the United Parliament the right of legislating 
foi Ireland On this state of tilings came the Bill of 1886 which 
sought to declare that, cveept m reserved cases, Great Biitam 
would not legislate for Ireland Would not this have been held to 
have estopped the British Parliament, on the principles stated in 
1782j fiom legislating for Ireland in all cases coming within the 
competence of tlic lush Legislature — / < , on all subjects except the 
reserved subjects Can it well be doubted that it would have 
been at once contended that liclaud had, in the first place, 
a constitiitioual claim in ngaid to all matters of internal legislation 
to be entirely fiec from the legislation of the British Parlia- 
ment, because those matters weie matters with w Inch the Irish Crown, 
and not the British Crown, was eoiiccined, and that m these matters, 
therefore, the Irish Lcgislatuic alone was competent to advise the 
Irisli Crown , and, m the second place, that the Bill countenanced and 
confirmed this view, by the words declaring ^^that all matters m 
which it IS not competent foi the Irish Legislative Body to make or 
repeal laws, shall remain and be within the exclusive authority of the 
Imperial Parliament, save as aforesaid, whose power and authority m 
relation thereto shall in nowise be diminished or restrafted by any- 
thing herein contained^^ (Cl 39 of the Bill) Where would 
have been the answer to those who said ^^Mentio unius cxclusio 
alterius ? if the power and authority of the Imperial Parliament is 
stated to be undiinimshed in regard to everything not conceded to 
the Irish Legislature under the earlier clauses of the Bill, evidently 
by implication it is diminished in regard to the subjects which are 
handed over to the Irish Legislature 

* The proposition laid down by Mr Bryce, that the right of Ore-it Britain to legislate 
for Ireland for all purposes whatever would be quite unqucsfionable and would be uni 
V ersally admitted, is open to some comment from the historical point of view The 
abstract doctrine of tlie legislative supremacy of Parliament, and not only the practical 
application of that doctrine, was strenuously disputed by many of the leaders of Colonial 
opinion in America at the coramcncemcnt of the last century as a reference to the 
literature of the Stamp Act and the Declaratory Act of 1766 will show The doctnne 
itself was one of the consequences of the Revolution of 16S8, which, tru^ to the genersd 



The following piopo&itions can then be based on the events of 1782 

(1) TJia^ the Irish Iciders insisted on the freedom of 
Ireland from interference by the Biitish Parliament both in 
intern il and external affairs, or, as would now be said, both on 
Home and Imperial questions 

(2) That the British Ministers were ready to concede the 
foimer, but were not ready to yield the latter, but conceded 
both, owing to the circumstances of the time, and considered 
the concession final 

(3) That tlie British Ministers wi&hcd to obtain a contri- 
bution frcMii Ireland for Impernl purposes, and the maintenance 
of a final judicial appeal to an Imperial Couit 

(1) That the British Ministers do not appeal to have pro- 
posed the representation of Ireland in the Biitisli Legislature 

Now, in substance the plan proposed by Mi Gladstone is the 
aboitne plan of 1782 which Grattan rejected The objection to 
any such plan is the probability that if Ireland were to be asked, 
and were even to consent foi the moment to make an appreciable 
contiibutioii to the common expenses of the Empire, without 
being given through her rcpicbcntati\es any share m the Parlia- 
mentary control ot the funds so voted, and in the discussion of 
Impel lal aflairs — if, m other words, she was made a tiibute-paying 
colony, instead of being treated as a mcmbei of a Federal system 
having an undimmished area of taxation foi National purposes — a fresh 
and formidable grie\ance would arise in a few years, on the ground 
that taxation without representation was an intolerable thing, and 
central y to the fiist principles of the Constitution With these con- 
siderations present to his mind, Mr Butt, in order to get over the 

pnnoiplc of exalting the importance of the British Parliament, ibohshed on the one 
h'ind the rit^ht^ the Crown to tax the colonics by virjbuo of its prerogatne, and on the 
othti asserted w light in the Bntihh Parliament to legislate and tax in the “ settlod ’ 
colonies of tlic Crown concurrently with the local representative assemblies, and, if 
necessary, i>\ei +lieir Ik ids I he same class of arguments weic used both by Colonial 
and by lush stitesnun aoUnst the claims of the Biitish Pailiamcnt to interfere as 
between them and the C rown, but the Irish case was always the stronger of the two, 
because her advocates were able to start fiom the admitted right and position of Ireland 
as a kingdom, with a ( rown of her own Ip the claims of the British Parlia 
ment, the \V hig statesmen, recognizing their danger in practice, tried to set constitu 
tional lunitat ons, and hence grew up the distinction, on which the elder Pitt relied 
between the light of ( rcat Biitain to impose by law internal taxation within the 
colonies for the purposes of revenue, and her right to levy external taxation for the rc 
gulation of colotiial trade This distinction, howc\ci, from a legal point of view, Lord 
Mansheld showed, would not bear examination, and he laid down the law to be, that the 
Parliament of (ireat Britain had an absc^dutc legislative supremacy over her colonies — 
and by implication over Ireland— in all casts wh Ue\er, whether for internal or external 
objects , whether to impose a tax, or to regulate trade , whether to levy money, or to 
make general enactments , and this doctrine it was w Inch was recorded in the Heclara 
tory Act of George 111 of 17Cb, relating to the toloniea, the counterpart of the 
Beclar itory Act of George I , relating to Ireland (bee Bancroft, vol il cn xix , The 
Absolute Power of Parliament , also x ol ui ch i , “ Life of Lord bhclbumc,” voL i 
ch iv p 25*5) 

IRELAND €782 AND 1887 


difficulty, proposed tnat a Federal arrangement should be instituted 
• between Great Britain and Ireland — i e , an arrangement under which 
Great Britain and Ireland should agree to vest certain poM’’ers m a 
purely Irish Legislature and certain others in the Imperial Parlia- 
ment The late Mr Sharman Ciawford, who like Mr Butt was an 
Ulsterman and a Protestant, held similar views at an earlier epoch, 
and put them prominently forward during the period which elapsed ‘ 
between the imprisonment of O^Connell and the collapse of the 
first Tenant-right movement With their opinion before us, 
it may be aajicd — why was no such plan proposed in 1782 by the 
English statesmen of tlic day ^ The answer, I think, is not far to 

The eighteenth century knew little or nothing about Fedeial 
Go\ernmcnt The nineteenth century, on the other hand, may 
be called the ccntuiy of experiments m Federalism, but for tint 
very reason the knowledge possessed by the woild of its piactical 
working can as jet, m point of time, be but limited As a lulc, 
Federations have hitherto groun up, as wc have been of late fre- 
quently icminded, by the union ot a number of lesser States into a 
larger whole Such weie the small Federal States which arose in 
the ancient woild m the dc( lining days of Greek liberty Such 
certainly was the origin of tlic United States of Holland and of the 
Swiss Confederation, though to all of these, as well as to the United 
Colonies of America, under the short-lived Constitution which existed 
ptcvioiis to 1787, writcis of the school of Austin would have denied 
the right to call themselves a Federation , so weak in their case was 
the tic subsisting between the diffeient States — so cumbious the 
action of whatever leprcsciitcd the national power In reality, the pre- 
sent Constitution of the United States, which was adopted in 1787, with 
the explanations of its intended working, by Hamilton and Madison m 
the Ftdaahstj and by DeTocqueville m his well-known work, and the 
Federal arrangement between Hungary and Croatia, Sk all we have 
which can be considered of much practical value The case of Switzer- 
land, even under its present reformed Constitution, is too peculiar, that 
of the Dominion of Canada, even without the warning of the com- 
plaints of Nova Scotia, is, though valuable, perhaps too recent to be 
quoted The South Afncan Federation has never existed except m an 
Act of Parliament and a pigeon-hole at the Colonial Office The 
experience of Germany is not in point, because Germany began by 
extruding from itself all those dissentient elements whose dissent 
could alone have been dangerous to a Federal system, while the others 
— e g , the Danes m Schleswig and the Poles m Posen — she ruthlessly 
crushes down Now this experience, limited as it is, has all grown up 
since the close of the last century, and it was owing no doubt to the idea 
of Federal Government being practically unknown to the men of 1782, 


and to the uinMlliiigncss of the English mind to stnke out on a new 
and as yet untrodden path in the art of Government, that in all the dis- 
cussions of that time there is little or no suggestion of institiitmg a 
Tedeial link between Great Britain and Ireland Some such suggestion 
it IS true, made during the negotiations on the Scotch Union, but 
it was decisnely rejected by England, and only weakly urged by Scot- 
• land The period was, in fact, one when, as Lord Rosebery pointed 
out in 1 recent specfh Europe was still under the influence of a set of 
ideas which worked m an exactly opposite diicction to the ideas of 
nationality and Ecdeiahsm now so prevalent The period was indeed 
drawing to a close , but the whole tendency of histoiy had for two 
centuries pic\iou«*ly been in the direction of laige agglomeiations of 
territory and ccntiali/ation of government, iiresjicctive of questions 
ot nationality aiid race, and that tendency was still potent in 1782 
The idea that the advantiges of a national Government, extending 
over a large teiritor\, might be combined with those of a decentraliza- 
tion of authority by a diMsiou of jurisdictions, was not one which 
the statesmen of the day in 1 iiropc liad begun scuoiisly to eonsidei 
Separation tiny undei stood, or in incoiporatc union the possi- 
bility of an intermediate an angemciit they ignoied But on the states- 
men of England in tlie piesciit day the considei ition of some such 
arrangement has been boinc in as an imperious necessity, by the rise 
of the doctrine of nationality, which since 1830 has recast the map 
Eiiiope, and by the ever groiving demands made on the time of 
Parliament by the increase ol business, which threatens entirely to 
clog the wheels of tlie existing machine of Goveinmcnt 

And yet an experiment in Federal Government is not one to be 
approached with a light heart Our cxpeiiencc, as already shown, 
IS but limited, and perhaps one thing only can he said about it with 
any certainty, that v^hatever success has attended i*”, wherever mfact 
it has worked smoothly, it has been when the powers reserved to the 
Fedeial or Ndftonal Government have been those only which were 
strictly iiecessarj, and in regard to which differences of opinion would 
presumably not aiise amongst the States forming the union It was 
when the South really understood that the institution of slavery was 
likely to cease to be regarded as a domestic institution, with which each 
State of the Union might deal as it chose, and was becoming a 
Federal or national question, that the long-averted Civil War broke 
out in Amenca It is because the economic interests of Nova 
Scotia are or are supposed to he sacrificed to those of Upper and 
Lower Canada, that the Prime Minister of Nova Scotia asks that 
his province may be released from the Federal bond of the Dominion 
Government The war of the Sonderbund in Switzerland, the 
quarrels of Holland with the other Dutch provinces, all tell the same 
story, and point a similar moral 

IRELAND 1782 AND 1887 



It 18 the more important to bear these considerations in mind, 
because of the existence of a widely spread but erroneous idea m 
regard to the United States Constitution, to the effect that the 
Federal Government has very numerous and extensive powers in 
internal affairs which are assured by the jurisdiction of the Federal 
Court This Court, it is said, can intervene, whenever it chooses, 
under the terms of the Constitution, to arrest the action of the 
State Governments, and therefore, once given a Federal Court, or* 
something equivalent to it, and the success of the Federal experi- 
ment IS assured But it is necessary to realize that it is only because 
the powers of the Federal Government are strictly limited, and that 
the Federal Court is not overweighted with the assertion of rights, 
the exercise of which the public opinion of the States might not 
suppoitj that its jurisdiction, where it is asserted, is as a rule 
respected, while o\cr the State Legislatures as such it has no power 
at all, by wiy of injunction or prohibition Nor have cases been 
wanting from which the precarious character of its powers and its 
occasional lack of my sufficient sanction to enforce its decrees, may 
be gathered, wljon it has happened that those decrees lidve not 
been in accoid ]vith the prevailing opinion oi the State within 
which execution has had to be carried out In 1812, when 
a state of wai existed with Great Bntain, the States ol 
Massachusetts and Connecticut refused obedience to the oiders of 
the. Federal Government for the concentration of the militias of all 
the Northern States on the frontier, giving as their reason that the 
Constitution only empowered the Federal Government to call out the 
militia lu the case of insuncction oi actual luvasion,^^ and that 
neither of these two eventualities had arisen These doctrines met 
with general approval in the two States in question, and Were 
endorsed by their Governors, their Legislatures, and their tribunals, nor 
were the Federal Courts able to enforce obedience to the commands 
of the Government at Washington By a strict hnditation of the 
powers of the National Government to what is absolutely necessary 
in order to sccuie the existence ot the United States as a nation, the 
framers of tltc Constitution of 1787 did as much as, humanly 
speaking, it was possible to do, in order to render their woik perma- 
nent, but they were not able, as De Tocqueville pointed out, even 
before the war of Secession had come to confirm the foresight of his 
views, altogether to avoid the dangers which are the natural 
inheritance of all lederal foirns of Government 

The possibilitv, then, of establishing a Federal connection of any 
kind between Great Britain and Ireland — that is to sav, an arrange- 
ment under which certain poweis would be \estcd in an Irish 
Legislatuie and Executive, and certain others in a Parliament and 
Ex^utive common to both countries — depends entirely on whether 



it IS to be believed not only that such a division of power can 
be successfully made upon paper — a feat which any constitution- 
mongci can accomplish — but also that public opinion in Ireland 
would not interpose hopeless obstacles to the assertion of the reserved 
lights and powers of the Imperial Legislature and Executive 

To render such a pact efficient in piactice, according to Mr Mill/ 
uliosc arguments on Federalism have been reproduced by Mr Dicey 
111 his recent woik, with special reference to Ireland^ several 
conditions aie requisite , amongst others, that there should be 
a sufficient amount of mutual sympathy between the fcdciating States , 
and that none of them should be so powerful as to be able to 
icly for protection against foreign encroachment on its own indi- 
\idual strength Now, it is no doubt honestly believed m many 
quarters that the average Irishman is filled with so deep, so perma- 
nent, and so inextinguishable a hatred of England and Englishmen, 
that the only thing to do is to keep him down, and that the 
moment you cease to do so he will fly at the throat of the 
Government, and demand separation There arc those also 
who hold an exactly opposite belief, and have jierspadcd themselves 
that Ireland under a separate Legislature would at once become 
a portion of the Elysian hiclds Both views arc exaggerated 
To Englishmen, as such, there would probably be no danger 
at all , neither docs the iisk to Protestants of religious per- 
secution seem serious , but the opening years of an lush Legislature 
would especially to those ivho, like the present writer, arc 
connected wuth the landed interest in Ireland, be without doubt 
a period of icry great anxiety Judging from recent spceclies, 

it IS clear that leaders would not be w^anting who would hold out 
inducemcuts to the peasantry to set it naught every consideration of 
right and 3 ustice It would be folly, in the fa(5e of such evidence, to 
assume an attitude of unlimited trust and confidence, or to distinguish 
such an attitude from one of absolute silliness The day of Irish 
libertj, if it omes, will dawn with heavy thunder-clouds on the 
horizon, unless some settlement of the land question can first be made 
Pessimism is a foolish cieed, but optimism has beenthfe origin of half 
the enmes which the world has ever seen , and in regard to the land 
question it is difficult not to have the apprehension that, although 
wiser counsels may prevail, the future may be as evil and as poisoned 
with injustice as the past But in a moi ement for complete separa- 
tion, in order to escape fiom the Federal tie, I do not believe 
^ In regard to matters of geueral policy, the differences on the sub- 
ject of slavery m the United States used to be quoted by Mr Mill 
as an illustration m support of his proposition of the difficulty of the 
Fcdcial forms of Government The divergent sympathies m religious ' 
matter^ of Great Britain and Ireland are similarly quoted as pro^ng 

^ ce the clnjitera on h ederaligm in nis work ‘ On Representative Government 

IRELAND 1782 AND 1887 


the impossibility of any Federal connection between the two 
countries Great Britain, for example, it is said, sympathized with 
Victor Emmanuel and Garibaldi, Ireland, on the contrary, sent 
the lush Brigade to support the Pope Suppose, so it is argued, 
that the British Government, having the preponderating voice in 
the Imperial Parliament, had gone to wai in support of Victor 
Emmanuel The leply is, that the supposition is a very large one 
Great Britain is not in the habit of going to war foi whatever cause 
she may be interested in A Federal arrangement between Great 
Britain and Ireland would probably make for peace In the par- 
ticular case to which allusion has been made, the result would 
presumably have been that the Imperial Govcinment would have 
arrested both Colonel Peard and Majoi Miles O^lleilly, acting on 
the same prmciiilcs which caused lleniy VIII to cvccute both 
Protestants and Romanists with perfect impartiality, ^ihen they 
ventured to deny his supremacy Again, the Romeward sympathies 
of Ireland are diminishing, and Home Rule would probibly hasten 
rather than retaid the horn of the inevitable stiuggle with the 
ecclesiastical power, which soonei or later arises in evciy country 
Mr Justin McCarthy, wlio was a prominent supporter of Garibaldi, is 
also an active member of Mr ParneH’s party, which appai( fitly seeks 
its inspiration from the other side of the Atlantic rather than from 
the banks of the Tiber 

From this point of view the maintenance of good lelations by 
Great Britain with the United States is a matter of cardinal import- 
ance in foreign policy, and the wisdom of the Liberal Govcinment in 
not allowing itself to be deterred by clamoui and abuse fi om signing 
the Treaty of Washington, and thereby putting an end to the 
dangeious contiovcrsy relating to the Alabama, is of importance in 
its bearing on the lush question Ireland is m consequence no longer 
in overt sympathy with any foreign country definitely hostile to 
England, as she was in the days when there was actual danger of 
invasion from Spain and from France , a period also when she was 
relatively to England a far more populous and wealthy country than 
IS now the case, and far more capable for that reason of injuring 
her neighbour if she desired to do so 

In a war with Russia — not that I believe in its necessity — there 
would be no danger of divergence of views, because of the persecution 
of the Roman Catholic Church in Poland and the sympathy with 
the sufferers which it excited in Ireland , also because the contest 
would only be part of a struggle between Occidental civilization and 
Oriental despotism The Pope, be it remembered, was himself a 
consenting party to the expedition of William III , on the ground 
recently defended with great ability by a distinguished English 
Catholics writer, that the huge despotism with which Louis XIV 
threatened Europe — ^just as the Czar of Russia does now— was a 



greater danger to the Holy See than the establishment on the throne 
of Great Britain and Ireland of a liberal-minded Protestant monarch, 
who compelled by his advisers, and not prompted by his own 
wishes, to bieak the Treaty of Limenck * 

The second of Mr MilPs conditions, that no member of a Federal 
State should be self-sufficient as regards external defence, tells, so far 
as Ireland is concerned, in favour rathei than against the establish- 
ment of a Fedeial lelation Ireland has never been a shipbuilding 
country to any large extent It is only quite recently that ship- 
building has become an industry, even in Belfast , and the day is far 
distant when even the most exalted Irish patiiot can expect to see 
an independent Irish navy, capable of defjing the fleets of all the 
European Pow ers, and protecting her shores from invasion 

There was, however, a third condition on which Mr Mill laid 
even grcatei stress than on the two preceding, as necessary to 
the success of a Federal Government — viz , that there should not 
be anv marked inequality among the several contracting States 
This, it IS frequently said, can never be the case as between Great 
Britain and Ireland , the former will always insist on being master 
of the joint dclibciations, and Ii eland will not endure it That undci 
any such arrangement Ireland would have to confess that the ultimate 
supremacy in the reserved questions was where Nature had placed it," 
IS certain, but if only those questions were resen cd to the Federal 
Government on which friction was least likely to arise , and il 
the support of the Imperial Government, on the othei hand, 
were given to the smaller and poorer country in many matters 
where such support would be desired and cagcrlv welcomed — such, 
for example, as a loan for the State purchase of the railways — there 
IS no reason why the preponderance of Great Britain should be a 
fatal difficulty m the way of a Federal system That some difficulties 
may, must, and would arise is no doubt certain But is there any 
scheme of Government of which this may not be said, most of all any 
scheme, whcthei actual or potential, for the government of Ireland ^ 
Have no difficulties arisen under the present system^ AVould none 
have arisen if the Bill of last yeai had become law ^ 

That under any Federal arrangement, there would be any real 
ability to interfere frequentlv from London in lush internal affairs, 
is not probable, nor would it be desirable The attempt could 
only end in a disastrous failure Much has been said about the 
supremacy of the British or Imperial Parliament, and some of 
those who have used this expression apparently mean that every 
Act of the Insh Legislature and Executive is in some way or jfnother 
to be reviewed by the British Parliament and Executive , or that, 
m defiance of the plain teaching of history there is to be no 
* >Ir W S Lilly Chapters on European Hwtorj,’* \ol ii ch m 

IRELAND 1782 AND 1887 


responsible Irish Executive at all The certain result of this would 
he to destroy the sense of responsibility in the Irish Legislature, 
to create endless differences of opinion between the two conntnc?, 
and to make Great Britain the whipping-boy of Ireland, whenever 
Ireland had done anything foolish, and the British Parliament 
had not stepped in to prevent it Whatever is granted to Ireland 
in the way of legislative or executive right must be given fully and 
Fiankly We must allow ourselves in this matter to listen to the 
voice of the statesmen of 1782 On the other hand, whatever is 
reserved must be clearly reserved, with ample guarantees ioi the 
arm of the Imperial Executive being long enough and strong 
enough to put down resistance But that the power of the 
Imperial Parliament and Executive could, under any eircumstanccfe, 
be exerted frequently and in many matters, is a dangerous and 
impotent delusion That power can only be maintained by carefully 
selecting and limiting the objects to which it is to lelate, ijpd by 
admitting Irish representatives to their full share — neither more nor 
less — of the control of Imperial questions in the Imperial Parliament, 
and securing adequate machinery for the execution of the decrees of 
the Imperial Goyernment in Ireland when necessary The argu 
ments against any petty interference with the 'ffairs of 

Ireland would be just as strong now as those which Lord Chatham 

^d in 1774 against the proposed interference of the British House 
of Commons with the Absentee tax which the Irish Parliament was 
m that year supposed to be about to pass 

‘‘ The justic( or policy of tlie tax (he said) is not the question , a id on 
these two, endless irguments may be maint lined pro and con The simple 
question is, have the Commons of Ireland exceeded the powers lodged with 
them by the essential constitution of Parliament ? I answer, they have not, 
and the mtcrfeienco of the British Parliament would in this case be unjust, 
and the measure destructive of all fair correspondence between England and 
Ireland for ever ” * 

In what way would the British Parliament be more able in 1887 
to interfere in such a case thaif it was in 1774 ? 

That Great Britain, if she chooses, is strong enough to govern 
Ireland for a prolonged period against the wishes of the majority of the 
people of Ireland, is indeed true , and under a strong and consistent 
Administration, strict and even justice might no doubt produce 
quiet and a considerable degree of material prosperity, without 
the constitutional question being touched But it should never 
be forgotten that the existence of outward calm and material 
prosperity has ever been the favourite plea of the^ opponfints of 
political reform And it is the most subtle and dangerous of 
all possible pleas, so soothing in character, and making apparently 
so winning an appeal to plain common sense and to self-evident facts 
♦ * ** Life of Lord Shelburne,* ii 285 

▼01 w 



" Now, after all tins/' says Lord Clarendon, when describing the 
period lu winch England was administered, judged, and legislated for 
by the Privy Council, 1 must be so just as to say that during the 
whole time that these measuies were exercised, and these new and 
extraordinary ways were run, this kingdom enjoyed the greatest calm 
and the fullest measuie of felicity that any people in any age for so 
long a time together (for the above-mentioned eleven or twelve years) 
have been blessed with, to the wonder and envy of all the other parts 
of Christendom But a lew years after the Civil War broke out 
If the necessity for a pohtical change exists, sooner or later it 
forces its way to the fiont, notwithstanding outward calm It has 
been so before, and there is no reason to doubt that it will be so 
again, be( ause the claim for Home Rule made by Ireland depends 
on permanent facts which statesmen cannot alter It is indicated by 
the geography and by the history of the island , and these are the two 
condijions of c\ery political problem which it is difficult to surmount 
or evade Time may indeed slowly soften the asperities produced by 
past errors and the crimes of bygone generations , but the geogiaphical 
conditions of a pioblem remain fixed and un ilterable, and in the long 
run will be found to be the great permanent factor and to govern 
the whole situation Of all existing problems, the Irish question is that 
in which it IS most ncccssaiy to bear this in mind No^ by empty 
formulas, such as ^ governing Ireland according to Irish ideas," or, 
extending all the liberties enjoyed by the subjects of Gicdt Britain to 
those of the sister island,'^ shall wc advance one yard on our way, or 
indeed do aught hut make it clear to friend and foe alike, that 
we are cultivating contradictory ideas without even being aware that we 
are doing so What we have to do is to resolve to take our stand on 
the few firm bits of fact which emerge like stepping stones traversing 
a quaking bog , and then we may get ovci, and some clay perhaps 
climb the distant hills which are on the other side Otherwise we 
shall go on “ filling our belly with the east wind to the end of 
time , we shall fish all night and take nothing These few firm bits 
of fact are those proiidcd by history and geography Open the map 
and look at the situation of Great Britain and oi Ireland relatively to 
each other, obseivc how they lie near, yet apart, how they are 
separated by intervening ecas, hut seas so narrow as to be a bond 
quite as much as a bar, how they are inhabited by races speaking 
the same language but professing different religions, observe also, 
that the one is rich and the other poor These are the mam and. 
obviojis featifres of the picture which cannot be altered 

Now, let me suppose that some stranger ignorant of all the trivial 
details of the Irish question, on his arrival amongst us, were asked 
to state what, in his opinion, with the above conditions placed before 
him, the institutions of two such , islands relatively to one another, 
were likely to be, judging from hil experience of other countries 

IRELAND 1782 AND 1887 


Would he not probably reply that their separation for sonie purposes, 
and their union for others, was stamped on the map as the certain 
and inevitable condition of any satisfactory settlement of their mutual 
relations, and that, alike to their complete separation and their com- 
plete union, there was one answer Oppo»vit natiua ? 

But, further, let us suppose him in his lurii to inquire what the 
experience ot the past had been in this particular case , and whether 
these t'«\o countries at the present time were entirely united or 
entiicly separate, oi were linked by some intci mediate arrangement 
adapted to their relative needs and springing out of them, and 
suppose that the answer was, as it would have to be, that after 
several ccntuiies of aggravated strife, they had fiist tried entire legis- 
lative separation, and had then abandoned it for an absolute incor- 
porate union Would he in that case be astonished if he was 
informed that histoiy had vindicated geography, and that under neither 
of these two relations had peace, goodwill, md amity, been the distin- 
guishing characteristics of the relations of Great Britain and Ireland^ 

To such a traveller it might perhaps be explained as an unexampled 
portent that although constitutional liberty, limited only by the 
right of every Government to suppiess ciime and repress disorder, 
had been extended by the larger to the smaller country , that 
although an equal representation, a wide suffrage and vote by 
ballot had also been given, and no alien Church any longer vexed 
the conscientious scruples of the majority, yet so unreasonable were 
the minds of the Irish people, that they refused to be contented, and 
weic now asking through shcei wickedness for a modification of the 
fundamental ai tides of the existing incorporate union, and that a 
constant agitation in consequence qirevailed 

Might he not reply that he had lieard it said by them of old time, 
that it was a mistake to be too much alarmed by the existence of 
political agitation , that absolute quiet ^s not a necessary sign of 
political health even in a constitutional State , that what is called 
union within a political system may be a very equivocal expression , 
that the true union is a harmony, the result of which is that all 
parties, however opposed in appearance.'' co-operate towards the 
common good , that a union may even exist m a State where 
the eye at first seems only to recognize a busy confusion, and 
that the content of the population, with the institutions under 
which they live, is the only solid gup.iantee of their permanence* 
Englishmen, he might add, in conclusion, had thethselves been occupied 
for two centuries in proclaiming these and similar liberal sentiments 
from one end of Europe to the other, and the time had now perhaps 
arrived for applying them nearer home Edmond 

* Montesquieu, Considerations sur la Grandeur ct la D^adencedea Romains 

• N 2 


T he love of romance ]s probably coeval ^vlth tlic existence oi 
humanity So far as wc can follow the history of the world w( 
find traces of it and its effects among evciy people, ai d those who arc 
acquainted with the habits and ways of thought of sivage rices will 
know that it floiiiislies as stiongly m the barbarian as in the cultured 
breast In short, it is like the passions, an innate quality of nrian- 
kind In modern England this lo\e is not by any means dying out, 
as must be clear, even to that class of our fellow-countrymen who, 
we are told, are interested m nothing but politics and religion 
A writer m the Saturday Review computed not long ago that the 
yearly output of novels m this countiy is about eight hundred , and 
probably he was within the mark It is to be presumed that all thi*^ 
enormous mass of fiction finds a market of some sort, or it would not be 
produced Of course a large quantity of it is biought into tlie world 
at the expense of the writer, who guarantees or deposits his thirty 
or sixty pounds, which in the former case he is certainly calle 1 upon 
to pay, and in the latter he never sees again But this deducted a 
large residue remains, out of which a profit must be made by the 
publisher, or he would not publish it Now, most of this crude 
mass of fiction is worthless If three-fourths of it* were nevei 
put into print the world would scarcely lose a single valuable 
idea, aspiration, or amusement Many people arc of opinion m their 
secret hearts that ^hey could^ ^ if they thought it worth while to try, 
write a novel that would be V(tey good indeed, and a large number 
of people carry this opinion intV practice without scruple or remorse 
But as a matter of fact, with the Vxcept^on of perfect sculptmc, really 
good romance writing is perhaps ^ most difficult art practised by 
the sons of men It might even maintained that none but a 



great man or woman, can produce a really great work of fiction 
But great mpn are rare, and great works are rarer still, because all 
great men do not write If, however, a person is intellectually 
a head and shoulders above his or her fellows, that person is primu 
facie fit and able to write a good uork Even then he or she may 
not succeed, because in addition to intellectual pre-eminence, a certain 
lit( raiy quality is necei»sary to the perfect flowering of the brain in 
books Perhaps, therefore, the argument would stand better conversely 
The writer who can produce a nolilc and lasting work of art is of 
necessity a great man, and one who, had fortune opened to him any 
of the doors that lead to material grandeur and to the busy pomp of 
pouei would have shown that the imagination, the quick svmpathy, 
thc*insight, the depth of mind, and the sense of order and propoi 
tion which went to constitute the writer would have equally con- 
stituted the statesman or the gencial It is not, of course, argued 
that only great writers should produce books, because if this was so 
publishing IS a tiadc would come to an end, and Mudie would be 
obliged to put up his shutters Also there exists a large class of 
people who like to read, and to whom gieat books would scaicely 
appeal Let us imagine the consternation of the ladies of England 
if they wcic suddenly forced to an exclusive fare of George ISliot 
and Thackcrav ^ But it is argued that a large propoition of the 
fictional niitter poured from the press into the market is supeifluous, 
and selves no good purpose On the contiary, it serves several 
distinctly bad ones It lowers and vitiates the public taste, and it 
obscuies the true ends of fiction Also it biiAgs the high and 
honourable piofession of authorship into contempt and disrepute, for 
tHb general public, owing peiliaps to the comparative poverty of 
liteiarv men, has never yet quite made up its mind as to the status 
of their profession Lastly, this over-production stops the sale of 
better work without profiting those who are responsible for it 

The publication of inferior fiction can, in short, be of no advantage 
to any one, except perhaps the propnetors of circulating libraries 
To the author himself it must indeed be^ a source of nothing 
but misery, bitterness, and disappointment, for only those who 
have written one can know the amount of labour involved in the 
production of even a bad book Still, the very fact that people 
can be found to write and publishers to polish to such an unlimited 
extent, shows clearly enough the enormous appetite of readers, 
who are prepared, like a diseased ostrich, to swallow stones, and 
even carrion, rather than not get^ their fill of novelties More 
and more, as what we call culture spreads, do men and women crave 
to be taken out of themselves Mbre and more do they long to be 
brought face to face witli Beauty/ and stretch out their arnlis towards 
that visi on of the Perfect, whim we only sec in hooks and dreams 



The fact that we, in these latter days, have as it were macadamized all 
the roads of life docs not make the world softer to the feet of those 
who travel through it There are now royal roads to everything, 
lined luth staring placards, whereon he who runs may learn the 
sweet uses of advertisement , but it is dusty work to follow them, and 
some may think that our ancestois on the whole found their voj ag- 
ing a shadier and fresher business Howcvei this maj be, a weaiy 
public calls continually for books, new books to make them forget, to 
refresh them, to occupy minds jaded with the toil and emptiness and 
vexation of our competitive existence 

In some ways this demand is no doubt a healthy sign The 
intellect of the woild must be awakening when it thus cries aloud to 
be satisfied Perhaps it is not a good thing to icad nothing 4)ut 
thrce-i olumed novels of an inferior order, but it, at any rate, shows 
the possession of a certain degree of intelligence Por there still 
exists among us a class of educated people, oi rather of people who 
have had a certain sum of money spent upon tlieii education, who are 
absolutely! incapable of reading anythiuy^ and who never do read 
anything, except, perhaps, the rejiorts of tamous divorce eases and 
the spiciesw paragraphs in Society papers It is not then fault, they 
are very often good people enough in their way, and is they go to 
church on Sundays^ and pay their rates and taxes, the woild has no 
right to complain of them Thev aie born without intellects, and 
with undeveloped souls, that is all, and on the whole they find tliem- 
selves very comfortable m that condition JJut this class is getting 
smaller, and all writers have cause to congratulate themselves on the 
fact, for the dead wall of its erass stupidity is a diciJful thing to face 
Those, too, wh0 begin by reading novels may end by leading Milton aid 
Shakespeare Day by dav the mental area open to the opciationsof 
the English speaking writci glows lirgei At home the Board 
schools pour out their thousands every year, many ot whom have 
acquired a taste for reading, which, when once it has been born, will 
we may be sure, grow, apace Abroad the eolonies are filling up with 
English speaking peoplq, who, as they grow lefincd and find leisure 
to read, will make a considerable call upon the liteiaturc of their 
day But by far the largest demand for books in the English 
tongue comes from Atncnca, with its reading population of some 
forty millions Most of ®e books patronized by this enormous 
population are stolen from English authois, who, according to 
American law, aie outcasts, Wientitlcd to that protection to the work 
of their brains and the laoodr, of their hands which is one of the 
foundations of common moialky Putting aside this copyright 
question, however (and, indeed, it\is best left undiscussed), there may 
be noted m passing two curious xiesults which are being brought 
about in America by this wholesale ^erusVil oi English books The 



first of these is that the Americans are destroying their own litera- 
ture^ that cannot live in the face of the unfair competition to which 
it is subjected It will be noticed that since piracy, to use the 
politer word, set in with its present severity, America has 'scarcely 
produced a writer of the first class — no one, for instance, who can be 
Compared to Poc, oi Hawthorne, or Longfellow It is not, perhaps, 
too rash a prophecy to say that, if piracy continues, American litera- 
ture proper will shortly be chiefly represented by the columns of a 
very enterprising dailv press The second result of the present state 
of affairs is that the whole of the American population, especially the 
younger portion of it, must be in course of thorough impregnation 
with English ideas and modes of thought as set forth by Engbsh 
writers We all know the extraordinary effect books read in youth 
have upon the fresh and imaginative mind It is not too much to 
say that many a man^s whole life is influenced by some book read in 
his teens, the very title of which he may have forgotten Conse- 
quently, it would be difficult to overrate the effect that must be from 
year to year produced upon the national character of America by the 
constant pciusal of books born in England IW it must be remembered 
that for every leader that a writer of merit finds in England, ho will 
find three in America 

In the face of this constant and ever-growing demand at home 
and abroad writers of romance must often find themselves questioning 
t^ oir inner consciousness as to what style of art it is best for them 
to adopt, not only with the view of pleasing then yeaders, but m the 
interests of art itself There arc seveial schools from which they 
may choose Eor instance, there is that followed by the American 
novelists These gentlemen, as we know, declare that there are no 
stories left to be told, and certainly, if it may be said without dis- 
respect to a clever and laborious body of writers, their works go far 
towards supporting the statement They have developed a new style 
of romance Their heroines are things of silk and cambric, who 
soliloquize and dissect their petty feelings, and elaborately review the 
feeble promptings which serve them for passions Their men — well, 
they aie emasculated specimens of an overwrought age, and, with 
culture on their lips, and emptiness m their hearts, they dangle round 
the heroines till their three- volumed fate is accomplished About their 
work is an atmosphere like that of the boudoir of a luxurious woman, 
faint and delicate, and suggesting the essence of white rose How 
different is all this to the swiftness, and* strength, and directness of 
the great English writers of the past ^hy, 

“The Bulge and thunder of the Odyssey 

IS not more widely separated from the tinkling of modern society 
verses, than the laboured nothingness of this new American school of 
fiction from the giant life and Vigour of Swift and Fielding, and 



Thackeray and Hawthorne Perhaps however, it is the ait ot the 
future, m which cnse wc may hazard a shrewd guess that the liteia 
tuic of past ages will be more largely studied in days to come than 
it is at present 

Then, to go fiom Pole to Pole^ there is the Naturalistic ^chool, 
( t which Zola IS the high priest Here things are all the other 
wa^ Here the chosen function of the writei is to 

“ Flint the moital shame of nature with the h\ mg hues ot art 

Here arc no silks and satins to impede our vision of the flesh and 
blood beneath, and here the scent is patchouli Lewd, and bold, 
and baie, living for lust and lusting for this life and its good things 
and naught beyond, the heroines of lealism dance, with Bacchanalian 
levellings, across the astonished stage of 1 teraturc Whatever there 
IS biutal in humanitv — and God knows* that theie is plcnt}'' — whatever 
tlicreis that IS ciinal and filthy, is here biought into prominence, and 
thrust before the reader^s eyes But what becomes of the things that 
lie pure <«nd high — of the great aspirations and the lofty hopes and 
longings, which (in, aftei all, play then part in oiu human economy, 
and which it is suiely the duty of a writer to call attention to and 
noiiiish acfeordiug to his gifts ^ 

Certainly it is to be hoped that this naturalistic scliool of writing 
will never take hrm root in England, for it is an accuised thing It 
is impossible to help wondering if its followeis ever icflcct upon the 
mischief that they must do, ind, reflecting, do not shiiiik from the 
r''s))onsibility To look at the matter from one point of view only, 
Society has made a rule that for the benefit ot the whole community 
individuals must keep their passions within certain fixed limits, and 
onr social sys^ni is so iiiangcd that any transgression of this lule 
piodUccs mischiW of one soit or another, if not actual ruin, to the 
tiausgrcssor Espcciallv is this so if she be a woman Nov^, as 
it IS, human native is continually fretting against these artificial 
hounds, and especiwv among voung people it requires considerable 
fortitude and self restraint to keep the feet fiom wandering 
all know, too, how mulch this sort of indulgence depends upon the 
imagination, and we ail know how easy it is for a powerful writer to 
excite It m that direcISaon Indeed, there could be nothing mn?c 
easy to a writer of My sticngth and vision, especially if he 
spoke w ith an air of evil kiiowlcdge and intimate autlioiity There are 
probably several men in Lrglaiid at this moment who, if they turned 
their talents to this bad end, ould equal, if not outdo, Zola himself, 
with results that would shoi v show themselves m various ways 
amon^ihe population Sexuai assion is the most powerful lever 
wit r^hich to stir the mind of an, for it lies at the root of all 

things human , and it is impossidfe to over-estimate the damage 
that could be worked by a i^ngle or America^ wrifbr of 



genius, if he grasped it with a will But/^ say these writers, 
‘ our aim is most moral, from Nana and her kith and kin maj be 
gathered many a virtuous lesson and example Possibly this is so, 
though as I write the words there rises in my mind a recollection of 

one 01 two French books where ^hut most people have seen such 

books Besidoh, it is not so much a question of the object of the 
school as of the fact that it continually, and m full and luscious detail^ 
calls attention to eiotic matters Once start the average mind upon 
this subject, and it will go down the slope of itself It is useless 
afterwards to turn round and say that, ilthough vou cut loose the 
cords of decent icticcncc which bound the fancy, you intended that it 
should run itphill to the white heights of virtue If the seed of 
eroticism is sown broadcast its fruii will be according to the nature 
ot tlic soil It fills on, but fruit it must and will And however 
virtuous may be the aims with which they arc produced, the publica 
tions of the Ficnch Naturalistic school are such seed as was sown by 
that enemy who came in the night season 

In England, to come to the third great school of fiction, we have 
as yet little oi nothing of all this Here, on the other hand, we are 
at the mercy of the Young Person, and a dicadful nuisance most of 
us find hei The pxcscnt writer is bound to admit that, speaking 
personally and with humility, he thinks it a little hard that all 
fiction should be judged by the test as to whether or no it is suitable 
reading foi a girl of sixteen There are plenty of people who write 
books foi little giils jri the schoolroom , let thq little girls read them, 
and leave the works wiittcn for men and women to then elders It 
may strike the leader as mcousisteiit, aftei the icmarks made above, 
that a plea should now be advanced for greater freedom in English 
literal y art But French naturalism is one thing, and the unreal, 
namby-pamby nonsense with which the market is flooded here is 
quite aiiothei Surely there is a middle path ’ Why do men hardly 
ever read a novel ^ Because, in ninety-nine cases out of a hundred, 
it IS utterly false as a picture of life , and, failing in that, it cer- 
tainly does not take ground as a work of high imagination The 
ordinal y populai English novel represents life as it is considered 
desirable that schoolgirls should suppose it to be Consequently it 
is foi the most part lubbish, without a spark of vitality about it, foi 
no novel written on those false knes will live Also, the system 
IS futile as a means ot piotection, for the young lady, weaned with 
the account of how the good girl who jilted the man who loved her 
when she was told to, married the noble lord, and lived in idleness 
and luxury for ever after, has only to turn to the evening paper to 
see another picture of existence Of course, no humble producer of 
fictiOu, meant to interest through the exercise of the intelligence 
rather than through the senses, can hope to compete with the 
enthralling detail# of such cases jis that of Lord Colin Campbell and Sir 



Charles Dilke That is the naturalism of this country, and, like all 
filth, its popularity is enormous, as will be shown by the fact that the 
circulation of one evening paper alone was, 1 believe, increased during 
the hearing of a recent case by 60,000 copies nightly Nor would any 
respectable author wish to compete with this But he ought, subject to 
piopcr reservations and restraints, to be allowed to picture life as life 
IS, and men and women as they are At present, if he attempts to do 
tins, he IS denounced as immoral, and perchance the circulating library, 
which is curiously enough a gieat power m English literature, 
suppresses the book in its fear of losing subscriptions The press, too 
— the same press that is so active in punting '^full and special ” 
reports — is very vigilant m this matter, having the Young Person 
continually before its eyes Some time ago one of the London 
dailies reviewed a batch of eight oi nine books Of these reviews 
nearly every one was in the main an inquiry into the moral character 
of the work, judged fiom the standpoint ot the unknown reviewer 
Of their literary merits little or nothing was said Now, the 
question that naturally arose in the mind of the leader of these 
notices was — Is the novelist bound to inculcate any particular set of 
doctrines that may at the moment be favoured by authority If 
that IS the aim and end of his art, then why is he not paid by the 
State like any other ofliciaP And why should not the principle be 
carried further ^ Each religion and evoiy sect ot each religion might 
letain their novelist So might the Blue llibbonites, and the Positivists, 
and the Purity people, and the Social Democrats, and others without 
end The results would be most enlivening to the general public 
Then, at any rate, the vv liter would be sure of the approbation of his 
own masters, as it is, he is at the mercy of every unknown reviewer, 
some of whom seem to have peculiar views — though, not to make too 
much of the mattci, it must be icmembcred that the ultimate veidict 
IS with the public 

Surelj, wlidt IS v^anted m English fiction is a higher ideal 
and more freedom to work it out It is impossible, or, if not im- 
possible, it requires the very highest genius, such a'^, perhaps, no 
writers possess to day, to build up a really first-class work without the 
necessary materials in their due proportion As it is, m this 
country, while crime may be used to any extent, passion in its hercer 
and deeper forms is scarcely available, unless it is made to receive 
some conventional sanction For instance, the right of dealing 
with bigamy is by custom conceded to the writer of romance, 
because in cases of bigamy wice lias received the conventional 
sanction of marriage True, the marriage is a mock one, but such 

it IS, it piovides the necessary cloak But let him bewar§ how he 
deals with the same subject when the sinner of the piece has not 
added a sham or a bigamous marnage to his evil doings, for the book 
will in this case be certainly called immoral English life is surrounded 



by conventionalism, and English fiction has come to reflect the conven- 
tionalism, not the life, and has in consequence, with some notable ex- 
ceptions, got into a very poor way, both as regards art and interest 
If this moderate and proper freedom is denied to imaginative 
literature alone among the arts (for, though Mr Horsley docs not 
approve of it, sculptors may still model from the naked), it seems 
probable that the usual results will follow There will be a great 
reaction, the Young Person will vanish into space and be no more 
seen, and Naturalism in all its horror will take its root among us At 
present it is only in the Ercnch tongue that people read about the inner 
mysteries of life in brothels, or follow the interesting study of the 
passions of senile and worn-out debauchees Bv-and-by, if liberty is 
denied, they will read them in the English Art in the purity of its 
idealized truth should resemble some peifcct Grecian statue It 
should be cold but naked, and looking thereon men should be led to 
think of naught but beauty Here, however, we attire Art in every 
sort of dress, some of them suggestive enough in their own way, but 
for the most part in a pinafore The difference between literary Art, 
IS the present water submits it ought to be, and the Naturalistic Art of 
France is the difference between the Venus of Milo and an obscene 
photograph taken from the life It stems probable that the English- 
speaking people will 111 couise of time have to choose between the two 
But however this is — and the water only submits an opinion — one 
thing lemains clear, fiction \ FAnglaise becomes, from the author^s 
point of view, day by day moie difficult to deal with satisfactorily 
under its present conditions This age is not a romantic age 
Doubtless undci the surface human nature is the same to-day as it 
was in the time of liamcscs Piobably, too, the respective \olumes 
of vice and virtue ait, taking the altered circumstances into considera- 
tion, much as they weie then oi at any other time But neither our 
good nor our evil doing is of an heroic nature, and it is things heroic 
and their kin and not petty things that best lend themselves to the pur- 
poses of the novelist, for by then aid he produces his strongest effects 
Besides, if by chance thcic is a good thing on the market it is snapped 
up by a hundred eager nc^vspapers, who tell the story, whatever it may 
be, and turn it inside out, and draw morals from it till the public 
loathes its sight and sound Genius, of course, can always lind 
materials wherewith to weave its glowing web But thQse remarks, 
it is scarcely necessary to explain, are not made from that point of view, 
for only genius can talk of genius with authority, but rather from the 
humbler standing-ground of the ordinary conscientious labourer m 
the field of letters, who, lovmg his art for her own sake, yet earns 
a living by following her, and is anxious to continue to do so with credit 
to himself Let genius, if genius there be, come forward and speak 
on its own behalf* But if the reader is mclined to doubt the 
proposition that novel writing is becoming every day more difficult 



and Icbs interesting, let him consult liis owh mind, and see how many 
novels propel among the hundreds that have been published within 
the Hst fnc ^eav», and which deal in any way with every day contem- 
porary life, ha\e excited his profound interest The present writer 
<aii at the moment lecall but two — one was called " My Trivial Lift 
iiul jNIiifortunes," b^ an unknown author, and the other, The Stoiy 
of a South Atrican Parm,^^ by lialph Irou Hut then neithci of 
these hooks if examined into would be found to be a novel such as 
tlic oidiuarv writer pioduces once or twice a year Both of them 
aic written from within, and not from without, both convey the im- 
picssion of heiiig the outivard and visible lesult of inward personal 
suffeiuig on the part of the writer, foi in each the kej>uote is a note 
of pain Bitfeiing widely from the ordinary run of mannfacturea 
books, they owe their chief interest to a certain atmosphere of 
spjintual mlonsit), which could not m all probability be e\en approxi- 
mately rcjiioduced Another leccnt woik of the same powerful 
class, though of moie painful detail, is called “!Mis Keith^s Crime 
Tt IS, howe\cr, ilmost impossible to conceive their respective authors 
pioducing a second Trivial f ife and Misfortunes oi a furthci 
edition ot the ciimes of Mis Keith These books were written from 
the heart Next time tlicir aiithois wiite it will piobablj'^bc fiom 
the head and not from the heart, and they must then come down to 
the use of the dusty matciials which arc common to us all 

There is indeed a refuge foi the loss ambitious among us, and 
it ]*cs in the paths and calm retreats of pure imagination Here 
we may weave oui humble tale, and point our harmless m#Tal 
without being rncieilessly bound down to the piosc of a somewhat 
drearv age Here we may e\cii — if we hcl that our wings arc 
strong enough to bear us in that thin air— cross the bounds of the 
known, and, hanging between eaith and heaven, gaze with curious 
(ves into the great piofound beyond There are still subjects that 
nia\ be handled thete if the man can be found bold enough to handle 
them And, although some there be who consider this a lower walk m 
the leaims of faction, and who would probably scorn to become a ^^merc 
writer of romances,” it may be urged in defence of the school that many 
of the most lasting triumphs of literary art belong to the producers 
ot purely romantic fiction, witness the ^'Arabian Nights,” “Gulli- 
ver’s Travel^,” The Pilgrim^s Progress, ’ ‘ Robinson Crusoe,” and 
other immortal works If tbc present writer may be allowed to 
hazard an opinion, it is that, when Naturalism has had its day, when 
Mr Howells ceases to charm, and the Society novel is utterly played 
out, the kindly lacc of men in their latter as in their earlier develop- 

ments will still take pleasure in those woiks of fancy which appeal, 
not to a class, or a nation, or even to an age, but to all time and 
human4tv at large 



\ KJ^FLY 10 MR SWlUhL SMllH, M P 


I PROPOSE m this aiticlp to deal with Mr Smiths second paper 
on India Revisited/^ and, as his matter is not set forth more 
methodically in it than m its predecessor, my lemarks must continue 
to take the shape of running comments 

If India IS, as he tolls us in the first par igraph ol his second paper, 
almost exclusively a country of rural population and agncultural 
industry, whv, in the name of impolicy, try to fight against Nature 
by laying a tax upon all those imports which her harmless cultivators 
want to buy fiom the foreigner, who has infinite facilities for making 
them cheaply and bringing tliem to the cultivators’ very doors ^ Let 
an enlightened Oovernmont do evciything that it can to introduce 
new industiics in India by extending knowledge and by showing the 
road to wealth, but let it not enter upon the miry path of taxing the 
vast majority of the population m order to create or keep alive 
unnatural etiolated industries 

Mr Smith tells us that the great object of our rule should be to 
encourage the peasantry to improve the soil by better culture, and 
to secure to them the fruits of their labour Well, i^not that just 
what we have been doing ^ Does not the Pajc Bi itanmca secure to 
the peasant the fruits of his labour better than that has ever been 
done in India since the world turned on its axis ^ Again, what docs 
Mr Smith know about the proceedings of our Agncultural Depart- 
ments ^ 

If he thinks that we are making mistakes in connection With 
these, why does he not specify those mistakes ^ That might do some 
good We should all be willing to learn any new secrets of hus- 
bandry The effect of such a statement as the one which I have 
quoted IS to make ignorant persons suppose that no attention is g^iven 



to these vitally important matteis by administrators, many of whom 
are, as a matter of fact, occupied with them morn^ noon, and night 
I pass bv a variety of lemarks about the peasants of Bombay, with 
whose circumstances 1 am not acquainted , but how is the reader 
ht’pedbysuch an assertion as that the general opinion of ^^the 
natives is that their assessment is raised if they in^rove their land’ 
Any such opinion with regard to the southern piovince would be 
wholly false, and I have no reason to believe that it would be true of 
anv part of India, though nothing is more natural than that Mr 
Smiths interviewers should try and convey it to him I dare 
say many real peasants would have done so too What peasantry 
indeed, in what part of the earth, would be as foolish as the Needy 
Knife-grinder, if a sympathizing individual came to them and asked 
them if they were not oppicssed ’ 

Mr Smith proceeds to tell us that in the Institutes of Manu it 
is written that the Govci nraent might take a share, varying from one- 
sixth to one-twelfth, of the produce of the land, and, in times of 
emergency, even one-fomth lie docs not tell us wdiat proportion the 
land revenue of that golden age boie to the othci legitimate demands 
upon the subject I will quote, accordingly, a passage from one of 
Ml Wilson's speeches, in which he sets forth the fiscal system which 
prevailed in that blissful period — 

‘ The revenue consists ot a slurc ot gi xin ind of ill other agricultural pro- 
duce, taxes on commerce, i vtiy small mtnial imposition on petty tiadcrsand \ 
shopkeepers, and a foict,d seivice of a day in eidi month by handier iftsmen ^ 
Tho merchants are to lx taxed on a consideration of the prime cost of 
their commodities, the expensf ot trivclling, and their net profits 

“On cattle, gems, gold, and siher, idded each year to the capital, one 
fiftieth, which in time of n ii or invasion may beincrcisod to one-twcnticth 
“ On grain, one-twtlflh, one-cighth, one sixth, accoiding to the soil, and the 
1 ibour necessary tp cultiv ate it This ilso may be raised, in cases of emer- 
gency, even as fai as one-fouith, and must dways have been the most 
important item in public revenue 

“ On the clc ir annual increase of trees, flesh meat, honey, perfumes, ind 
several othtr iiati ral productions ind manufactures, one sixth 

“ The King is dso entitled to 20 per cent on the profit of all sales Escheats, 
for want of hairs, have been mentioned as being his, and so also is ill property 
to whicli no owner appears within three years proclamation Besides possessing 
nimea of hia own, he is entitled to hill of the pimous metals in the earth 
“ I should imagine the levenue laws of the ancient Hindoos must have been 
contributed to the sacred compilei some very needy finance Minister of 
the day*' 

I am no special partisan of any of tbe Indian land systems I 
ran quite see the advantages that accrue from our own or other 
Western systems, but any one of half a dozen diftereut systems will 
do well enough, if only the people are accustomed to it The people 
of India are accustomed to our present systems with their periodical 



revisions at long intervals They would dislike any alt^native system 
a great deal moie, and common sense calls loudly to us to let well 
alone ^ 

Mr Smith admits tliat Aurungzebc^s land revenue was thirty-six 
millions, while ours is, as he says, twenty-two , but he adds that it is 
probable that the former was never fully collected Exactly so ^ 
Those who were thought able to pay, were, if they were slow about 
it, tortuicd to death, and the rest got off AVhat an amount of 
trouble it would save lii in raising taxation in Liverpool, similar 
methods could be applied to those who seem to be pillars I 

The land revenue of Aurungzebe, by-thc-by, was, if judged by 
the present value of money, very much gi cater than thirty-six millions, 
and ours is a good deal less than twenty-two millions , but why go 
back to the period of Aurungzebe ^ A more us^cful comparison 
would be between the amount exacted by the British Goveinment 
and the innumeiablc petty tyrants who covered the country after 
the Mogul grew weak and before wc giew strong m it The differ- 
ence between them and the Moguls was this the Mogul just left the 
cultivator aliic, these people didn^t mean him to live 

Next comes a raaivcllous paragraph from which it would appear 
that Ml Smith imagines, that by putting a dutv of 10 pci cent 
upon 100 out of 110 millions of Indians foicign tiade, ten millions of 
revenue could be raised, infinitely to the advantage of India, and 
that amongst other things the land assessment could be reduced and 
made permanent , but who would pay these ten millions ? Why, on 
Mr Smithes own showing, mainly the peas in try of India ' And 
who would pay the thousands and thousands of additional customs 
and excise officers whom lie would call into existence^ Mainly, on 
Mr Smith’s own showing, the peasantiy of India ^ 

Ml Sm>th next arrives at iirigation, and tells us that if only we 
had for India the admirable system which the Nile provides for 
Egypt, famines would be unknown, and wealth would rapidly in- 
crease Docs wealth so increase in Egj pt^ What analogy, however, 
IS there between India and Egypt ^ One single nobleman's estate 
in the Madras Presidency is bigger than the whole cultivated land of 
tliat country Does Mr Smith mean to say that the Indian water 
engineers have anything to learn from^Egypt ^ It so, what is it ' 

He proceeds to put us m possession of various particulars about 
tanks and wells, assuring us that one of the first duties of Govern- 
ment, where the rule is a kind of paternal despotism as in India, is 
to construct canals and build tanks, and, above all, to give every en- 
couragement to the construction of wells by the pca<santry " 



* It aliould not be foigotten that the Mogul land tax was only one of some forty 
imposts Mr W W Hunter has pointed out that tlie lowest rate of the Mogul pcfll 
tax levied on non Mussulmen, would bring m more than all our taxes put together ' 



He might just as well tell the Anglo-Indian official that it is a 
wise thing to cat his breakfast, and that dinner also has advantages of 
its own Did he take the tiouble to inqiiire whether in any, and if so 
m whdt, respects Anglo-Indian Administrations were backward in the 
encouragement of the making of canals, tanks and wells ^ If so, let 
him come to particulars It is, however, so much easier for a travel- 
ling gentleman to keep to generalities and to say that it would be 
light to do what is being most carefully done than to learn what is 
going on, and to say to his interviewers ‘iBut is not this and that 
and the other thing in progress ? What criticisms have you got to 
make as to (ktails Supposing Mr Smith had taken this course, 
and then asked the head of the Administration in which he happened 
to be, to put him into communication with his Agricultural special- 
ists, his Settlement specialists, his Water specialists, and so on and so 
on, he would have returned to the shores of England having dis- 
covered that probably every feasible suggestion that had entered his 
mind, had entered the minds of other beings like himself, vears and 
years ago, and was being carefully acted on 

Next, famine comes up, and we aic told, inter aha, that the 
^^lailway is of no use, unless the Go\einment feeds the people 
gratuitouslv It did so in one or two cases of lecent famines , but 
generally it has encumbcied the relief uith labour tests and othei 
conditions which depnved it of much of its value 

On this I would ask. How is a railway of no use^ No one 
supposes a railway can peiform miracles, or affect places beyond a 
certain distance from its stations , but it stands to reason that every 
railway, reasonably planned and running through a famine district, 
IS of very coiftiderable use 

Then, again, as to labour tqsts Are uc to understand that 
Mr Smith would have no labour tests, and no conditions ^ Whole 
Godavaris of ink have been poured out over the more or less of such 
things, but an absolutely conditionless feeding of all comers is surely 

Then we arrive at a strange paragraph, in which Mr Smith 
returns to the fiscal system — 

This export of food is not looked upon by the natives with the same 
unmixed satisfaction that it is by our merchants It is curious to contrast 
the opposite points of new from which commercial problems art ijiproachecl 
by Europeans and natives To the English mind, cxpoits of iood, or any 
surplus products, appeii an unmixed source of wealth To tJie Hindoo, 
they too often mean a d ingeious depletion of the necessaries oi life ” 

There is nothing more likely than tljat some of Mr Smithes inter- 
\iewers believed this It is in gccordauce with the crb«v« iffnorantta 
which prevails about such subjects amongst the talkers of the 
Presidency towns Of course it has no foundation in fact, and 



Mr Smith himself does not seem quite sure about it, for he says 

Neither view is altogether correct, but there is enou^ of truth m 
the lu^dn conception to make us careful of dogmatizing about the 
economy of a country so totally different from our own 

The following is taken from the Statistical Atlas of India pub- 
lished this year — 

“ In four prominent wheat producing tracts, recent inquiry has proved 
that while the food supply has not diminished with the inciease of exports, 
the food-piirclnsing power ot the cultivxting population has considerably 
increased , and, lastly that if the demand for wheat were to decline, its place 
would be taken by cotton, oil-seeds, ind other exportable pioducta Thus it 
has been shown that in Oudh the ordinary amount of cheaper grams required 
by the people has still been kept in the province, but that the value of the 
gram exports has been nearly doubled by the development of the wheat trade 
Tn the North Western Provinces, it is reported that nearly a million acres 
h ive been brought under cultivation within the last live years, but that the 
area under other food crops has not only not diminished, but has actually 
increased The reports fiom the Cential Provinces show a similar state of 
things The Punjab, in which province alone wheat is the staple food of the 
igricultural popul ition, owes its chu f prosperity to the export of its surplus 
wheat On the other hand, in enormous quantity of cheap food grains has 
been mad( ivailable to the cultivators of the wheat producing provinces bjr 
connecting them by lail with thost out of-thc-Av ly tricts to which they had 
formerly no access, and m which surplus food grains wt re bo useless to the 
popul ilion that they could actually find no purchisers, and ivere quoted 
accordingly at nominal prices 

^‘The gencial conclusion from the evidence before the Government of 
India 18, that the recent increase of population has been accompanied by an 
increase in produce, Avhich has not orly supplied the extr i food required for 
the sustenance of the now population, but has also added to the material 
wealth of the whole body of the inhabitants of the Indim Empire, by 
providing a large surplus for sale to other countries The leil cause of the 
distress ind poverty of the cultivators in many parts of India is to be found, 
not m the export of their food, not in the oppression of taxes and rents, not 
in the administration ol the country, but in the uncertainty of the one great 
source of agricultural wealth — tin r iinlall of the year ” 

Next wc are told mucli about the indebtedness of the peasantry , 
and what we arc told is true enough, but how grotesque it is to find 
Mr Smith explaining at great length that the Indian peasantry — ^ e , 
the overwhelming majority of the people of the country — are incapable 
of managing for themselves the very simplest concerns of human life , 
that our Western ideas of obligation of all contracts^* are wholly 
imsuited to them, while in the same breath he assures us that 
'^education is coming in with a flood, and that the old paternal 
despotism is quite out of place 

Perhaps he would reply that although the peasant is m this state, 
the educated native,^^ whom, when it is convenient, he takes as the 
type of the general population, is quite in a higher stage of political 
development If he is, then he is not a fitting representative of 
people who have nothing in common with him Is he, however, in 

VOL LI. o 



this elementary matter^ so much above his peasant brother? The 
following anecdote, cited by Mr Smith himself, does not look very 
like it — 

<One case was brought before me of a rising young man, an eainest 
student at college, whose income was seven rupees per month Uis fathei 
died, and hia caste insisted on his spending 1100 rupees m funeral rites 
To do this he had to load himself with debt, the interest on which absorbed 
nearly all his income, and, broken hearted, he had to give up his studies and 
his prospects foi lift 

A little later, with similar inconsistency, Mr Smith observes 
'^Speaking broadly, 1 believe that ancient Hindoo customs were 
much more suited to this primitne people than our advanced ideas 
of commercial law I can hardly express my sense of the danger of 
applying to India the latest forms of European thought 

Yet this IS the writing of the \ciy man who has been advocating 
the last new political fads imported into Europe by an inhnitcsimal 
fraction of natives 

To proceed On the same page we arc assured that ^Ir Smith 
believes that more mischief will be wrought in Indi i in ten vears by 
applying the theories of our advanced political and commercial 
doctrinaires than was caused by the invasion of Tamerlane or Nadir 
Shah or the ruthless Moguls * Pretty tall talk that, and perhaps a 
little mixed historically ’ But what is this tiemeudous resolution to 
be brought about by our advanced political and commercial do<tiin~ 
aires, svhoever they may be^ Is anyone, except Mr Smith and his 
little knot of interviewers, wishing to make any revolution at all, 
commercial or other, in India ^ It would seem that they were quite 
wrong who taught us in our infancy that the last "Welsh wolf was 
destroyed in the days of the Edwards , for here is a creature which, 
without rhyme or reason, because it wants to make a revolution 
itself, accuses the Indian official lamb of desiring so to do * 

And now that his readers have been sufficiently instructed by 
Mr Smith as to the more than childlike innocence ot the natives 
of India — an innocence which, lu my opinion, he overstates, for I 
think that, although quite unfit for the sort of Government he 
would give them, they arc by no means so infantine as he believes— 
we are told that " the natives urgently demand that the control of the 
trade m intoxicating drinks should be vested iii local bodies ” Once 
more I ask, what natives ^ The natives who find intoxicating drinks 
agreeable, or the natives who would as soon drink a glass of sulphuric 
acid as a glass of arrack ? Does a practical, sensible man actually 
think that in a country where religion is bound up with the ques- 
tion of meats and drinks, their kind, and the way of taking them, 
to an extent which is utterly unknown in Europe, it would he 
reasonable to introduce the very last Western ideas about the control 
of the liquor traffic ? 



The changes introduced m my time in Madras have not been 
working long enough to enable an observer to speak very confidentlv 
about their result, although all the symptoms thus far observed are 
favourable, but very similar arrangements in Bombay, so far from 
increasing drunkenness, have had the very opposite eflTect Here is 
an extract from a Besolution of the Bombay Government — 

The results of the ibk In policy followed by Goverament of late years 
have been a large increase of ibkan revenue, a diminution of crimes punish- 
able under the Pen il Code, a material enhancement of the price of spirits, 
the cessation of illicit distillation m the palm spirit t ilukas, an improvement 
in the quality of the spirits sold, a better system of abkan idministration, the 
abolition of the abuses which existed under the old system, when each tfiluka 
contained several separate petty farms, and each farmc i fostered the consump- 
tion of liquor and tried to outbid his rivals by selling bad liquor at the 
cheapest price, and a diminution in the amount of drinking generally ” 

* And here is another important passage, taken from the lleport of 
the Bombay Abkari Department, published in 1885 — 

** I know of no reason for believing that the statements made in the news- 
papers regird ing the increase of drunkenndiiss among the people are well- 
founded, except so far as they may relate to intempeiance among classes that 
formerly did not drink If the vice of diunkenness had spre id as alleged, it 
would have been iccomp mied by m increase in crime of the classes ordinarily 
associated with drunkenness, such as petty assiult, mtimid ition, indecent 
behaviour m the public stn ots, &c , and the magistrates and superintendents 
of police would have noticed the circumstance in their annual reports as 
accounting for the increase of crime of tliat class that they found themselves 
called on to explain But so f ir as I am aware, no increase m the number of 
such crimes h is been reported m recent years Government h ive not called 
my attention to any such report, nor have 1 received information from other 
sources to lead me to believe that the people of any district have lived more 
intemperatcly of late than in former yeirs On the other hand, there is good 
evidence to show that the revised ibkari an angements adopted in two of the 
most notoiiously drunken distiicts in the Presidency —Th ina and Kolaba — 
have had a most s xlutary effect m checking drunkenness among classes that 
formerly were most addicted to that vice The following arc extracts from 
official reports written by Mi Mulock, C S , when holding the office of 
Collector of Th ina — 

‘ The new ibkari system, along with largely increasing the revenue of the 
State, has tended to raise the price of liquoi and to prevent illicit distillation 
dnd tapping, thus largely discouraging the excessive drinking for which this 
collectorate was so noted We cannot, of course, expect those who acquire 
the taste for strong drinks and our demoralising tormer, or cheap liquor, 
system to at once leave olF the bad habit of over-drinkmg and indulge only 
moderately Still, 1 believe that many who drank before to excess can no 
longer afford to do so, and those who would have acquired the taste, if liquor 
had remained at its former low price, will now eschew it as an expensive 
lufkury, and thus never acquire the habit of over-indulgence 

“ ‘ I have, the last few months, been a good deal in the sea-coast district that 
I have known for over ten years, and I would not ask you to credit the difiference 
I notice in the people, and more especially m those of the jungli parts, since 
liqupr has been raised in price and the toddy-trees remained untapped Those 
who formerly spent their last farthing in liquor have now, they tell me, all a 

o 2 




little bdUnce to spend in some little comfort or another, and altliougli 
thej crumble at the difficulty about buying liquor, they themselves are 
the first to idmit how beneficial their moie or less compulsory abstention has 
been to tJieni uid their faipilies Ask any large landholder or employer of 
labour in the collectorate, and he will tell you that he now gets a lair day^s 
laboui for the day swages, wheie formerly hi never could succeed m doing so 
He will tell you that he can now count on the daily attendance of his labourers, 
Avhere formerly the second day they were absent on the proceeds of the first 
diy All I ask is, let tins continue, and Thina will be no more noted foi its 
liard drinking and crime than any other part of the Presidency ’ 

In another letter l\Ir Mulock Avrues — 

“ ^ I must mention the bi nefits resulting to the people under the neAv system, 
and from the enhancement of the prict of liquor My assistants, M'lmlatdurs, 
Patils, Tal itis, d;C , are unanimous in their pr uses of it, and h iving been §ome 
time in the sea- coast t iluk is 1 can corroborate their opinions m every respect 
No one longer sees the gencril drunkuiness of former di^s Even the 
rayots themselves, while grumbling at its Ireing Inrd on thorn, that they cannot 
get the cheap liquor they formerly got, aviU admit tint they ire happier 
without it and th it the ‘ zor, ’ as they call the influence of the liquor vendor, 
IS now gone, and no more land is moitgaged to him m liquidation of his 
bilks ’ 

“ The folloAA ing e\ti ict is iron i k ttei rccmily addiessed by in experienced 
revenue officer serving m the Kol iba district, to the editor of the Bomhty 
(riueite^ in reply to an ar*-icle tint appeared in thit paper i few weeks igo, 
Alleging that the present ibk in policy h is encouraged Inpioi drinking — 

“ ‘ There is one thing ecitim to me about the present management of the 
Abl in Department, and thal is, tint it Ins diminished diunkenness in the 
North Koukan I have had the honour to serve in tnat province off and on 
for nearly twelve years, and my service and personal taste h ivo been such as 
have brought mo very much into fiiendly contact with the poorer classes, and 
cspeciall} Avith hill and coast tribes — the Th ikurs, Katkaris and Kohs — men 
of the forest and the w ue AVithin my meinoiy these people Aveio literally 
slaves to drink Tlie coast Kolis Avere rarqly sobei when isliorc , ind m tho 
hill and forest vill ige s, Avhere the people take their liquor like gentlemen, 
m the evening, it w is a common thing for every male squI above twelve 
>ears old to be stupid drunk by eight or nine o'clock i ai I had at one tune 
to do a great deal of night patrolling, and have often come into a village 
wneri not a soul could answer the simplest question 

“ ‘ Now, all this IS to a great extent a thing of the past ’ ” 

About the middle of his second article Mr Smith ceases to set 
forth what he considers the defects of our system of Goierument 
aud justly observes — 

“ Some extremists are trying to ra ike out that British Government has 
been an unmixed evil to India, and pamphlets are being ciiculated among the 
natives, some of them written hv discontented Europeans, attributing every 
ill to our oppressive and alien Government These writings suppress every- 
thing that makes for the other side, and omit altogether to state that the chief 
causes, after all, of tho poverty of the people are their own socxil andreh^ous 
systems, and especially tlie tyrannical authority of caste After all, the 
habits and behefs of a people have more to do with their welfare than the 
action of Governments Some of these habits and behefs are fatal to all 
prospects of improvement, so long as they hold the people in their iron 
grasp " 



He then proceeds to dilate on the inveterate custom of premature 
marnages Such remarks are all too true , but who are the people 
who want to put abide these questions of social reform, and to try to 
direct the efforts of their countrymen towards political agitation^ 
Just the very people to whose ideas Mr Smith has lent such support 
as he could give them Of course it is not for English officials to say 
much about these social questions They are bound to be very 
reticent with regard to everything that closely touches the religious 
feelings of the people , but what better can the winter-months’ 
traveller who cares for social matters do, than to keep these questions 
before his interviewers ^ 

The premature marriages having been deplored, wc are told of the 
great expenses at marriages and funerals Too true ! all too true * 
and the key to the indebtedness of a large portion of the population , 
but why did not Mr Smith say to his interviewers, ‘ You talk about 
land assessment being high and the peasantry poor, do you suppose 
they will ever be rich, whatever the Government may do, while these 
bad and mad customs cdhtinue ^ If he had ever done so, he would 
have been soundly abused for his pains by the little clique of native 

Then comes the remark, In legislating for India, one has to 
remember that the bulk of the people arc but children, and the 
Government has to act as a kind but firm father " The good," 
says the Spaniard, if it be short is twice good " Puttmg adolescents 
for children, 1 agree to the maxim , and when Mr Smithes collected 
works arc published, should propose the substitution of this sentence 
for a large part of his two papers 

Next follow several pages devoted to education, which are well 
enough , but, when Mr Smith tells us that there are painful in- 
stances of Government Colleges, whose whole influence is thrown 
against Christianity," I wonder if he has realized that the persons 
most in favour of the political movement amongst certain native 
cliques which he patronizes are also just (he most anti-Chnstian 
Europeans between the Himalayas and Cape Comorin ^ The 
pamphlet most hostile to our existing political system in India, 
whieh I have seen, was written, if I am not much misinformed, by 
the most notorious catspaw of the well-known theosophist, Madame 

Mr Smith then goes on to assure us that the natives desire 
technical schools, and that the Government will do well to respond 
to this demand " Would he be startled to learn that some at least 
of the Indian Governments had moved heaven and earth to stimulate 
that demand ^ that they considered it almost a matter of life and 
death, and that the coryphm of Mr Smith’s political views cordially 
hate them for their pains ? 



It 18 m connection with this subject that Mr Smith makes the 
strange remark^ No jealousy of her competition with ourselves 
must hinder us from doing full justice to her aspirations Docs 
Mr Smith imagine that the Europeans who govern India ever give 
two thoughts to the leault of her competition upon home interests^ 
They are vehemently opposed to anything that unfairly weights, in 
ever so small a degree, the home manufacturer Tlicy hated the 
Indian cotton duties, but they hate even more the infamous English 
silver-plate duty, the continuance of which seems to me a distinct 
blot on the scutcheon of all recent Liberal Chancellors of the 

A little further on Mr Smith says that it should be distinctly 
impressed by the Government of India on all its officers, that 
courtesy to the natives is a cardinal virtue, and that rudeness will 
bring sharp censure Of course it should, and of course it is , but 

what IS the use of making such a statement^ Is theie any country 
m which there arc not rough and disagreeable people, especially 
amongst subordinate oflicials ^ If Mr Smith had thought it worth 
while to go into this subject at all, it would ha\e been moic interest- 
ing to have explained to his homc-kccpuig countrymen that, although 
Anglo-Indians have no pretension to be more courteous than ordinary 
English gentlemen, they at least treat their native subordinates more 
courteously than any other superiors have ever treated inferiors in 

To use such a phrase as that etiquette is a hnc art amongst the 
natives " is misleading The manner of well-bred natives is like^ 
the manner of well-bred people in all countries — most agreeable, and 
sometimes quite charming , but there arc a vast number of natives 
who are as far as possible from being well-bred, and if Mr Smith 
were to go into the details of some of the complaints against the 
discourtesy of Europeans which he may have read in the native papers, 
I am afraid he would find this truth ratlicr disagreeably impressed 
upon him 

As civilization increases, the standard of politeness will rise m 
most parts of the world It has already risen a great deal ip India 
since a Mahratta statesman said seventy years ago to a British 
administrator, who told me the story '^It you want to rule my 
countrymen, you must twist your left hand in their hair, and hold a 
club in your right » 

It IS we English who, with all our faults, have introduced into 
India sound views as to the way in which superiors should treat 
inferiors, whether of their own blood or of any other The idea of 
its being the duty of a ruling race to treat the ruled with sympathy 
and kindness is one of the many excellent exotics which we have 
brought to that country 



The verv fact that it has bef*ome a common form of abuse on the 
part of the malcontent section of the natives to say that the Engbsh- 
man is not sympathetic, shows how well we have taught the lesson 
that in our opinion he ought to be so 

Near the end of his second article, Mr Smith tells us that the 
Army which keeps Indu m order is smgulaily small, and cannot 
safely be decreased by sensible men That is indisputable , but why 
then in his first article did he tell us that “ the natives,^^ always the 
little coteries of intiiguers to whom he gi\cs that respectable name, 
considered it too large ^ 

He then passes on to the following remarks — 

will idd, in conclusion, that the future giiidince of our Indian Empire 
will task to the uttermost Jhitish statcsnunship New problems will con 
fetantly present thonischcs, deniinding rare wisdom and tact to solve disci eetly 
We hive to conduct Indii successfully through the various stages thal 
separate a subject ])rovince from i self-governing colony It is only at 
present cipihle ot fecblo progression education and intelligence touch as 
yet but tlu fiiiigc ot its 2 )0 millions , thick d irk ness still broods over the 
deep, and no one would pioposo d ingcrous experiments on a people who have 
never known Mnee the woild began any Governmc nt which was not despotic 
What wc h ive to do is to ibsorb into oin system the best native thought ol 
India, and geuciously to welcome the aid it cm give us in administering the 
countrj G he time is p ist tor considering Indi i is i close preserve for a 

A\ith regal d to this I have to inquire, who considers India as a 
close piesei\e foi a piofcssion Eor what profession is it a close 
preserve^ Is it foi the profession of tlic Civil Service propei, of 
the Arm> , of the Police, of the Salt officers, of the Excise ofliccrs, of 
the Foiest officers, of tlie Ecclesiastical officers — or, in short, for what 
profession ^ 

Furthei, while entiicly agreeing that " the future guidance of our 
Indian Empire will tax to the uttermost British statesmanship,” I 
want to know by what strange alchemy we are to make into a self- 
governing colony that winch is not a colony at all ? If India were 
a colony it would be all easy enough, but that is just what it is not , 
and if vre try for seventeen million years, the generous lease which 
some one, if 1 mistake not, gives this planet, we cannot make it a 
colony, unless perhaps in the last million when the sun, we are told, 
IS to get a great deal cooler The problem is vastly more difficult 
than that The problem is how best to manage for its interest, our 
ow:p interest, and the inteiest of the world, an Empire inhabited even 
now by twice as many people as acknowledged the sway of the 
Antonmes, within whose limits wc cannot perpetuate our own race 
for more than three generations ^ 

It IS a magnificent problem, and I for one should have been most 
grateful to Mr Smith if he had helped us ever so little towards its 



He might have done so If there is one thing about which 
reasonable Anglo-Indian administrators are more anxious than 
another it is about increasing the material prosperity of the country 
Mr Smith has, by his own statement, been trading with India for a 
quartei of a century or thereby Surely in that long period he must 
have picked up something which Anglo-Indian officials do not know 
Why in these two long articles does an able man, with excellent 
intentions give us — must I say it ’ — ^nothing but commonplaces, save 
when he repeats the silly or dishonest talk of Indian grumblers ^ 
Does he suppose that there is a single fact or idea in his two papers 
which IS not familiar as household words ? And yet one is sure that 
he must know so much about commercial facts which Indian adminis- 
trators would fam learn ’ 

My thoughts pass from Mi SmithN tw^o articles to the book to which 
Mr Edwin Arnold has gitcn the same name, ‘‘ India llevisited 
Now, there is a performance which appears to me a worthy result of a 
winter spent in India It is not didactic, like Mr Smithes articles 
It was not its author's object to be didactic It will not tell the 
Anglo-Indian administrator, eien incidentally, much that he did not 
know before , but putting aside little inaccuracies, which are ot no 
sort of importance, it is beyond all comparison the vciy best descrip- 
tion of India, as it looks to the intelligent European traveller, that 
ever was written Numbers of us have seen India as Mr Edwxii 
Arnold saw it hist winter , but only a man of genius could have 
thrown his impressions upon paper in the wav that he has done No 
one, whether he knows the country or does not know it, will rise from 
the perusal of that volume without a quickened sense of tlu vast 
responsibilities which we haic undertaken in India, and a quickened 
affection for the Indian people 

Every winter will now, in all probability, take to India an increas- 
ing number of English tourists Most ot these will go for sport or 
for the pleasures of travelling , a good many will, it may be hoped, 
go with a view to lay a foundation for future study, and a few will 
go for the purpose of enlightening their countiymcu when they come 

Is it too much to ask that these last should take the pains to 
arrive at an accurate knowledge of facts befoie they give their con- 
clusions to the world ? 

Mr Smith might, without any trouble, have found numbers ot 
Anglo-Indians who could have done, before he published his articles, 
precisely what I am doing after they have been published These 
useful critics, while allowing him to form exactly what opinions he 
pleased, might have set him nght as to mere matters of fact, about 
which there is really no dispute possible 

If Mr Smith had taken the pains to get up his facts before he 



began to interview the people whom he quite gratuitously assumed 
to represent native opinion, he might have given them many a 
useful hint These politicizing sophists threaten to be a perfect 
curse to India^ turning the thoughts of their countrymen away from 
her real wants to chase this or that tgms fatnus over moss and moor 
If he had more thoroughly understood the circhmstances of the 
country in whuh he was travelling, the same good sense which has 
made him succeed in his own business, and in more than one 
important election, would ha^c led him to see that what India chiefly 
wants IS the devotion, for decades and decades to come, of most of 
her educated ability to developing her natuial resources 

There is department after department ot Government which wt 
would fain fill with natives if we could Take the Forest Service, for 
example Every consideration makes in favour of that being chiefly 
a native service , but ask our conscrvatois what their expcritucc is 
The paradise ot the educated natne is to sit at a desk and write lie 
IS far more feaiful of the sun and the laiii than his European 

Take again the Medical Service We want quite an enormous 
increase in the medical ability which is devoted to helping the native 
sick , but how slowly it comes, and what difficulties arc in the way * 
A Brahmin lately came to a Professor of Biology at an Indian College 
and desired to join his class In the course of conversation it trans- 
pired that it would be necessary for him to dissect some of the lower 
forms of life " Oh," he said, ^ that is out ot the question It is 
contrarv to my religion * " Vciy soriy/^ said the Professor, “ but 
if you do not dissect, you cannot study biologv " “ Oh, but cannot 

you give me some book ^ was the rejomdei And so it is , always 
the book rather than NatUic an& fact ^ 

Then, again, iVe want moie and more native engineers, especially 
water engineers 

It IS just the same with agriculture Nothing is more futile than 
to transplant the methods of the Lothians straight away into Tanjorc 
or Tinnevelly , but we want to marry tfie science of^Rothamsteacl to 
the practice of the Indian peasant All political questions connected 
with India <ure mere fiddle-faddles compared with the importance of 
increasing the number of bushels produced per acre For all ques- 
tions connected with that country dwindle into insignificance before 
this tremendous consideration We have stopped war, we are stop- 
ping famine , how are the ever-mcreasmg multitudes to be fed ^ " 
The travelling Englishman of the species which is nothing if not 
earnest, might do such a good turn to the educated natives if he 
would only press upon them these elementary but colossally impor- 
tant matters, rather than encourage them to talk political platitudes * 
Before India can come up to the political development which 

* * 



Europe has reached through ages and ages of struggle, she, too, must 
go through mighty social and political changes Mr Smith’s inter- 
vieivers think that the mango trick is quite as applicable to national 
deyclopmeut as to popular amusement , but the mangoes of Salem 
and Parell were not jplanted by jug^ers 

I confess, however, that the traveller who goes to India to learn, 
interests me more than he who goes thithci to obtain materials 
wherewithal to teach There is so much to be leaint and enjoyed in 
that splendid country * 

An old Scotch nobleman when he heard that his nephew was 
living with the Prince Regent, shrewdly observed ^^Eh, but Jemmy 
must be a very clever man to do all that on five hundi-ed a year * And 
so I say, Eh, but Mr Smith, or any one like liim, though he spake 
with the tongues of men and of angels, must be a \cry clever man if, 
after a gallop through India, he can tell the British public anything 
worth knowing about Indian politics, which they cannot learn from 
the scores and scores of not less ibic men who have given their 
whole livco to that country As I began by saying, if he had only 
gone to some out-of-the-way place, say Coica or Celebes, nay, even 
to Poland or C india, oi political as distinguished from picturesque 
Jmv itzerlaiid, we should have been most grateful foi Ins ai tides 

It is difhcult to over-estimate the amount of mischief which is 
done by a writei who, like Mi Smith, encourages the belief that the 
official view of Indian affairs is separated by a broad line of 
demarcation from the non-official view Theie arc in truth a 
hundred official views and a liuudred non-ofhcial views of Indian 
affairs, intersecting each other at a thousand points The more dis- 
cussions we can have about mattcro which can be reasonably con- 
troverted, the better in India as elsewhere , but the real opposition 
between many of the ideas which Air Smith has Tbccn pleased to 
label as those of the ^ natives and what he would call the official 
view,’’ IS simply the opposition which must ever e\ist between people 
who will, and pec^le who will not, take pains to spend a reasonable 
time ^/^ 'ilaiu jm/mUtn before they aspiie to be Masters of Arts 

I suppose that a good manv worthy persons who read this article 
will sav, not for the first time, that mine arc the views of an official 
optimist I ought theu perhaps to observe, before I come to an 
end, that, so far from returning from India in the tcmpct of an 
optimist, 1 look with the gravest uneasiness to the future of that 
country I think that if Clive and Hastings are not to be 
remembered m the year 2000, as having got (treat Britain into the 
most magnificent scrape recorded in history, the veiy greatest care 
and the devotion of an ever-incrcasmg amount of British ability to 
oui Eastern affairs, is absolutely necessaiy But amidst the 
innumerable dangers ^head, perhaps the greatest is that of 
ficiullij generottB counsels being adopted in London 



Let our Indian reformers there confine their efforts as much as 
possible to obtaining for the Indian Services the very maximum of 
ability and oliaractcr, and let them refrain, as much as they can. 
bring themselves to do, from interfering with details 

Mitte sajnentem et mhil dtca^ was a favourite maxim of Mr 
Elphinstone’s in making appointments, and there never was one 
which bettei deserved to be taken to heart by the British public in 
dealing with India 

So far from imagining that oui present system is the perfection of 
wisdom, 1 believe there are quite endless improvements to be made 
in all directions, but these impio\ements cannot be dictated fiom a 
centre by even the ablest of mankind ViW yoiii Services with the 
most intelligent persons whom money can buy Wheievcr you can 
quite safely substitute cheap native foi costly British agency, by all 
means do it , but let us have no leaps oi bounds, and remember that 
important as economy is, i^ is madness, I do not say to lower, but 
not steadily to iiisc, the quality of your European officers at any 
necessary cost More light and more leading, not less, are what 
is wanted, if the acquisition of your gicat vassal Empire m Asia is 
to turn out anything bcttei than that ^ery unsatisfactory subject for 
reflection — a splendid mistake 

M E GaiNT Dun 



at all It was a very pretty fight between laymen (the word is not 
used in its clerical sense), but, like laymen^s battles everywhere, it 
was fought on issues both false and irrelevant, and with results 
significant of nothing but the skill of the combatants l#e Professor, 
having put on his fighting gear, was not going to put it hastily off, 
and so he resolved to advance to something positive, a theory as to 
the Evolution of Theology, which was io be worked out and verified 
^n the comparative method The problem was simple to him, for he 
was a simple man to the problem, not seeing its complexity, or the 
delicacy of the piocess needed to ascertain the factors necessary to 
its solution He had got up enough ot Rcuss, Kuenen, and Well- 
hausen to serve his purpose , but he had mastered neither the 
linguistic, nor the literary, nor the historical, nor the religious 
material required for the scientific handling of the theory, to say 
nothing of its proof The theory came to be through the absence 
of science, a little thorougher knowledge would ha\e made the very 
statement of it impossible It is something moic than a pleasure — 
it is an inspiration — to sec a masterly spirit exercised over our deepest 
problems, but what is needed for their solution is masterliness 
penetrated and guided by full and accurate knowledge 

Now, what v/c need here is a scientific conscience, as sensitive to 
the interference ot the tyro oi the untrained in the held of religious 
as in the field of mathematical or physical mquirv We often heai 
of the feebleness, perhaps senility, of Newton, the student of prophecy, 
as compared with the strength and clcai intellect of Newton, the 
interpreter of Nature and discoverer of natural law But the 
contrast may be repeated, though the student's handling of the Bible 
be as free as Newton's was reverent There is a want of seriousness, 
because a Avant of the thoroughne'^s and veracity of science, m our 
religious thought and criticism There is nothing so fundamentally 
divisive as superficiaV misunderstanding , because of it the attitude 
to religion is meanly polemical on the one side, and narrowly 
apologetic on the other Science and culture have a contempt for 
Theology, if not for theologians , Theology has a suspicion x>f the 
methods of science and the spirit of culture, even though many of 
the men that most adorn science best illustrate piety Now, we 
must correct this evil, that the greater evils it helps to occasion may 
be corrected , and the correction is to come, not by keeping Theology 
and the sciences apart, but by bringing them together, that they 
may, as related and co-ordinated departments of knowledge, learn 
to know, respect, supplement, and explain each other In other 
words, Theology ought to be an academic discipline and a living 
science , and to be either, it must be both Only of the progressive 
student of a progressing Science can wc say with Augustine “ Melior 
meliorque fit quserens tarn magnum bonum, quod et mvemendum 


quseritur et quaerendum invenitur Nam et quseritur, ut invematur 
dulcius^ et invenitur, ut quaeratur avidius 

1 Academic is here used to denote the studies and discipline 
proper to the University, as distinguished from those peculiar to the 
sectional seminary or clerical school These diffci both as regards 
the discipline they give and the knowledge which is its instrument, or 
more simply in the qualitv of the education and the character of the 
sciences which educate But these things are so related that what 
IS good for cither is good for both to educate is to quicken and 
develop mind, and the only sciences that can leally educate are 
those that live and grow in the hands of the student and teacher 
Dead sciences generate no life, and so cultivate no man, and 
sciences are dead when they have ceased to grow, or to be handled 
as living things Now, there is nothing more dead than School 
Divinity — ^ c , divinity made for the schools out of texts and 
formulae framed by fathers, councils, and schoolmen, whose 
authority has become explicitly or implicitly the bulwark against 
heterodoxy and unbelief It is a manufactured article, carefully 
articulated and elaborated to the last degree, with the truth stated 
in well-balanced and rigorous propositions, and piovcd by a senes 
of cumulative arguments, which are in turn followed, in order to 
greater thoroughness, by an exhaustive and detailed enumeration of 
all actual and possible objections, though only that they may be 
rounded oflF by a siilliciency, or rathci superabundance, of victorious 
answers The divinity, as bad science, is not good Theology , but it 
IS made worse by being taught in an exclusive seminary Were 
the men who are doomed to learn it forced to live m a free 
academic air, it might be made comparatively innocuous , but in the 
close atmosphere of a separate school it is allowed to do its work 
unneutralizcd The men are instructed, but not disciplined , they 
may be drilled, as the seminary priest almost always is, in theological 
dialectics without being educated into and by a knowledge of 
Theology The system that has never withstood the criticism of 
an age does not live to the age’s intellect, but this cnticism is 
exactly the thing that cannot be allowed to penetrate and profane 
the precincts sacred to scholasticism The objections so exhaustively 
stated and victoriously answwed in the textbooks of school divinity 
never lived , they died in passing through the mind of the school- 
man A hostile mind conceives an objection only to kill it , however 
conscientiously stated, it is stated only to be answered , and so it is 
made to seem to live simply that it may the more demonstrably he 
seen to die For difficulties to be understood and really felt, they 

* “De Tnn xv c 2. 



must be met as they live and move, speak and persuadCi in the 
world of articulated thought, where they have all the potencies of 
real things Ilut they can be so met only if Theology lives face to 
face with the sciences and arts, at once sharing in their life and 
shaping it The worst way to keep a faith vital and pure is to 
isolate the men who are to teach it from the men they are to teach, 
while both are still in process ot formation The master in Theology 
will teach all the better that he has to form and inform minds, not 
simply docile, but deeply moved and exercised about the principles 
and truths and problems of his science , and his pupils will be all 
the stronger and wiser men that they were forced to encountei and 
overcome, in classroom and study, their great intellectual difficulties, 
not waiting to be found by them at a later and more defenceless day 

2 Theology, then, needs the University to keep it living, in touch with 
all the sciences, face to face with all the problems that to day exercise 
thought, aud it once perplex and inspire the spirit But the neces- 
sity IS mutual, for the Uiiiversitv no less needs Theology to make its 
circle of the sciences complete, to fill its studies with ideal contents 
and ends, to humanize education by baptizing it m the transcendental 
and dmne Of course the study of Theology in the University does 
not here mean the dominance of a Churchy it means very much the 
opposite If the lustoiy of religious and academical thought in 
England pioves anything, it is this, that the supremacy of the Church 
led to the decay of Theology The Act of Uniformity was one of 
those blunders which arc fatal most of all to the men who blundered, 
and the dismal age of the Universities is coincident with the golden age 
of ecclesiastical sovereignty Theology, to he an academic discipline, 
must not fear the open ways and high argument of the academy, but 
must seek to luie, if it rule at all, by its dignity as a science and its 
supremacy as truth Cardinal Newman thus sums up the view he 
takes of a University in its essence, and independently of its relation 
to the Church 

“It IS a place of teiching universal knowledge This implies that its 
object la, on the one hand, intellectual, not moral , and, on the other, that it is 
the diffusion and extension of knowledge rather than the advancer'^ent If its 
object w< re scientific and philosophical discovery, I do not see why i Univer- 
sity should h ive students , if religious tr lining, 1 do not see how it can be the 
seat of literature and science ’ ^ 

Now, this view IS, m about equal projiortions, correct and incorrect 
It 13 correct m saying that a University is a place of teaching 
universal knowledge,” but incorrect in saying that its object is the 
diffusion and extension of knowledge rather than the advancement ” 
Its object IS both , it cannot fulfil the one unless it aims at the other 
To teach knowledge really, we must endeavour to advance^it Where 

* “The Idea of a University,’* Prof p ix , od 1885 


"scientific and philosophical discovery is most activej there 
students will be best educated, and there they ought to be in greatest 
numbers The weakness of the English Universities has been their 
fidelity to the Cardinals ideal Had they been more places of dis- 
covery, they tv ould have been better places of education, had they 
done more for the advancement of knowledge, they would, great and 
noble as their influence is, have exercised a greater and a nobler influ- 
ence over the thought and life of England Science, of course, does 
not here mean the physical sciences, it means knowledge as a whole 
Literature and science ought not to be conceived as antitheses , litera- 
ture is science, and science is liteiary Philology is as essentially a 
science as Paljeontology , and there is more knowledge ot man, his 
nature, home, ways and motives of action, to be gamed from the living 
study of classical litciature and philosophv than from the most exten- 
sive researches into the ancient forms and conditions of life on our 
planet These sciences are diflerent, and so dissimilar , but they are 
not opposed Each has its own specific province , but in the degree 
that it finds there real and enriching knowledge, it is a real and 
educative science If, then, " universal knowledge ” is to be taught, 
all the sciences must be cultivated , and a University, to fulfil the one 
duty, must aim no less at the other Her teachers ought to be, not 
the bond-slaves oi doleful diudges of examiners, but the men 
fitted at once to advance and communicate knowledge, and her 
students, men who seek the higher humanity that comes by culture, 
and the culture that comes from fellowship with the foremost living 
minds, whether these minds be interpreters of Nature, or ancient 
Litciature, or living Men 

3 On this ground, then, the University needs Theology as much as 
Theology needs the University AVithout Theology, the University 
were incomplete, destitute — ^not of one science simply, but of a vast 
circle of sciences, more than any other necessary to the full and true 
iliterprctation of man and his universe Without the University 
Theology were without a fit place to be studied, and fit men to study 
it If it IS to be a science, it must not fear to stand among the 
sciences , and if it is to be an educative study, it must be studied by 
the educated Men may understand religion by living it, and 
that IS an understanding possible to all men, and incumbent upon all, 
but to know Theology as the science of religion, its reason, rights, 
history, truths, symbols — to follow its methods, grasp its problems, 
master its range, delations, and limitations, requires a qualified inteL 
lect, and disciplined faculties Here, if anywhere, exercise in the 
Humanities ought to precede the special discipline of the school, 
where it do|| not, we may have a dogmatist, but not a divine Indeed, 
to no other science is a liberal culture so absolute a necessity, for no 
other science is so nearly universal — so touches and is so touched by 




all the rest Theology cannot dwell apart and be a separate field of 
knowledge If it were to disclaim all connection with and concern in 
the other sciences, it woiSld simply invite them to blot its name out of 
the book of life All speculation, physical or metaphysical, as to matter 
or being touches the existence and idea of God, every theory as to the 
genesis ana ageof the heavens and the earth raises questions as to creation 
and providence, all inquines as to the historv, progiess, civilizations, 
and religions of man affect, at one point or another, doctrines, beliefs, 
or institutions of Christianity , every branch of social, political, and 
moral thought and research leads straight into the heart of religion — 
nay, every phase of cnticism in literature and art stands somehow 
related to principles and truths which belong to Theology And this 
universality, thougli it may seem its weakness, proves its strength and 
greatness What so penetrates all sections and subjects of human 
thought, has a deep lOot in human nature and an immense hold upon 
it What so possesses man’s mind that he cannot think at all with- 
out thinking of it, is so bound up with the very being of intelligence 
that ere it can perish, intellect must cease to be Science and religion 
have no conflict, though theories of science and views of religion 
have had many — always, indeed, in the long run, to their mutual benefit, 
and they will have many more Mcn who, in the interests of faith, 
dread and deprecate these conflicts, may be sure of one thing — 
were there no such collisions, they would have greater cause for fear, 
for it would signify that Theology had lost all its roots in reason, and 
so all its rights to reign Sovereignty has its burdens as well as its 
honours, and the Queen of the sciences can hope to keep her throne, 
especially in times of advancing knowledge, only by rigorous criticism 
of her own claims, excision of the fictitious or the decayed, and the 
development of the new energies and adaptations needed for vigorous 


Sut to make the discussion significant it must become specific , the 
statement, the University needs Theology, means nothing till we 
understand what Theology signifies and comprehends It is here 
Used to denote a science whose field is co-extensive with the 
problems and history of religion , and we may say of the science, as 
of religion, that, since it has to do with every region of thought 
and relation of life, whatever concerns man concerns it It is not 
one science, but an immense circle of sciences , and while they are 
all so related internally as to constitute an organic whole, they are 
so related externally as to assume and require the existence of an 
equally large circle of auxiliary sciences To make sWtement 
clear or intelligible, we must attempt to explain the idea and scope 
of Theology 


1 Theology may be descnbed as the explication and articulation 
of the idea of God, or the interpretation of Nature, Man, and 
History through that idea So conceived, primary problem is to 
find, prove, and construe the idea , or to discuss how and whence 
it comes, why it is to be believed^ what it means and contains, 
and how it ought to be formulated This is the region of Pure 
or Speculative Theology — t e , the legioq. where it deals with its 
ultimate principles as pure rather than abstract ideas, at once involved 
in thought and evolved from it Here is the point where it both 
merges in philosophy and transcends it Every philosophical system 
must face the theistic question, the very refusal to do so carrying 
with it an indirect yet real determination , but no system, aS purely 
philosophical, can fully unfold or explicate the idea The attitude 
to this as the ultimate depends on the answer to the primary ques- 
tion in philosophy What are the conditions and what the nature 
of knowledge If the answer be the Empirical, then the conclusion as 
to God must be either sceptical or nescient — t e , the system must 
end either in leasoncd doubt or reasoned ignorance, the term God 
being to the one but the symbol of the indeterminable , to the other, 
of the unknown and unknowable If the answer be the Transcend- 
ental, then the ultimate problem will be the determination of the 
idea, how God is to be conceived, how his relation to the universe 
construed and represented Thus Hume’s doctiine of impressions 
and ideas is the very premiss of his sceptical conclusion Grant 
it, and no other inference is possible , and Mr Spencer’s theory as 
to " states of consciousness,^^ which arc symbols of an outside un- 
known reality, or "vivid” and "taint” manifestations of the 
unknown, is the basis of his agnosticism, real knowledge of the 
ultimate reality being impossible to the man who builds on igno- 
rance of the primary Thus pure Theology must be philosophical, and 
discuss whether the empirical or the transcendental be the truer 
solution of the problem of knowledge, in order that it may discover 
whether its idea be given in reason, the necessary at once condition 
and object of thought ^ 

But it cannot leave the question where philosophy may be content 
to leave it , it must formulate and explicate its idea — whether is 
God to be conceived as immanent or transcendent, or as both ^ If 
as immanent, the result will be one of the multitudinous forms of 
what 18 called Pantheism, either losing the All in God (akosmism), or 
ift resolving God into the All (theopantism) If as trausceudent, the 
outcome will be either Abstract Theism, which makes God and the 
world separate and inter independent , oi some theory of artificial 
and mechanical relation— a doctrine of pre-established harmony, or 
an unreasoned miraculous supematuralism If as both, then the 
conclusion will be a Natural Theism, which so interlaces God and the 




TTOrld that it cannot be tnthout Him, or He be interpreted and 
conceived without it But to deteipiine the relation of the world 
and God is but to T0lte a multitude of questions touching His^ 
providence or government Is Optimism or Pessimism the truer 
theoiy of life ^ or is there not room for a third which recognizes 
equally the sad realities that create the one and the Supreme 
Good that justifies the jpther^ Then, how ought man to stand 
related to his God? What is the ideal of religion, and how 
far does it furnish a law of life ? Thus pure Theology, which begins 
with the deepest problems as to knowledge, ends with the most 
radical and vital questions in ethics — out of it is built not simply a 
theory of the universe, but a rule of conduct, an ideal of the perfect 
life It remains throughout speculative oi philosophical by being 
reasoned, a creation of thought deduced from the very nature of 
the thought that creates it , but it at once transcends and is dis- 
tinguished from philosophy by interpreting the universe and its 
history through the idea of God The idea philosophy enabled it 
to win it uses to transcend philosophy, construing man and time 
from the standpoint, as it were, of God and cteinity And so the 
idea becomes the regulative or organizing principle which the body 
of the theological sciences but articulates They are its completed 
explication , it is their latent or immanent form The speculation 
which does not explain man is illusory , the theory that best inter- 
prets history is the theory that best expresses the truth 

2 Pure or Speculative Theology is thus but preparatory to Applied 
or Historical, and if pure reposes on and rises out of philosophy, 
applied seeks the help of many sciences, and lives only as it secures 
it The theologian, when he turns to history, is met by a whole 
wonderland of knowledge, the religions of man lie before him 
Religion IS the thing most characteristic of man , it is as old and as 
extensive as the race — universal in its being, but infinite in its 
varieties To look at it, as it were, in the mass, is to raise many 
questions — ^What is it ^ Whence is it ? Why is it ^ What is the 
law or laws of its development ^ ^ How have these endless varieties 
of religious faith and practice arisen ^ The answer to these ques- 
tions IS the work of a special discipline — the Philosophy of Religion, 
and here the difierenccs of the fundamental philosophies are 
curiously but faithfully reflected The empiricist must derive 
religion from a source in harmony with his sensuous theory of 
knowledge, either, like the older school, from fear, prompting to 
propitiation and flattery, or, like the later, from belief m ghosts, a 
behef due to the misinterpretation of subjective phenomena and the 
consequent worship ancestors And the trancendentalist must no 
less trace it to a source agreeable to his cardinal doctrine, that man 
13 reason, and must articulate the reason he is in language and reUgioui 


society and history A 3 is the theory of the origin^ so must be the 

conception <Sf the nature , a religion derived from ghostly fears must 
be a system of more or less rationalized illusions, while g religion 
that expresses a more or less latent or developed reason must have 
reason at its heart, however much distorted or concealed But what- 
ever the philosophy, it must be tested by fact , and surely mo inquirer 
ever had so immense or so complex a problem to resolve as this of 
the religions of man Two methods may be followed the ethno- 
graphic, or the historical The ethnographic consists of the comparative 
study of savage or natural peoples with a view to the discovery of the 
primary or rudimentary forms of religious custom and belief, the 
Ijiistorical consists of the retrogressive and analytic study of the 
religions of history, in order that their most archaic forms and 
elements may be discovered, the principle and ratio of growth ascer- 
tained, as well as the causes and conditions of decay The ethno- 
graphic has no historical, and so no scientific value — it has been 
used onlv to illustrate an imaginary theory concerning an imaginary 
state , but the historical is fhe scientific method, foi it is the study 
of religions as they actually lived and grew, acted on man and 
were acted on by him hese, then, the theologian has to investi- 
gate, and, if possible, understand , and to understand a religion is 
to understand at once its people and their history People and 
religion must be studied together, in their home and history, as 
affecting and affected by each other, as modified by geographical and 
climatic conditions, ethnical relations, intellectual movements, political 
and social changes and causes To investigate religions in the 
historical method is thus to inquire into their action in history, and 
in the progress and civilization of tnan , with the result that we 
obtain data for a twofold philosophy — one of religions and another of 
history The latter ought to show the place an& function of each 
religion, and the people it has created and governed, in the order of 
the world , while the province of the former is to determine the 
relation of each real to the ideal religion, and to discover its essential 
constituents or character, the secret or cause of its peculiar mfluence 
and distinctive work This theological discipline, or senes of 
disciplines, ends, then, in a new Analogy, with a broader basis and 
vaster induction than Butler's It builds on the nature of man, 
transcendental yet conditioned and developed by expenence, so 
essentially religious that it cannot but realize a religion, the very 
attempt of men and peoples to break away from an ancestral or 
liistoncal faith but resulting m an endeavour to find one happier 
and better fitted to the new and larger spirit It is not m any man 
or peopIe^s choice to determine whether they will or will not have a 
religion , they must have one , He who made nature made that sure 
hut they may, though a people's choice is a thing of centuries, 



determine what or wliat sort of religion it shall be And this is 
where the deductive evokes the inductive process , religion being 
proved a jneceasity of nature^ history must show which of all the 
mighty multitude of religions is the fittest for man It will be but 
reasonable if we find that where there is most ideal truth, there also 
IS most real worth, and so by a natural transition the student 
passes over to the study of the religion of Christ, or that of God 
in humanity and humanity in God, wheic the ideas of immanence 
and transcendence are at once expressed and reconciled 


The two previous disciplines thus become introductory to a third, 
at once more definite and extensive^ — Special or Christian Theology 
The relation between the three divisions or disciplines may be 
Exhibited thus The first vindicates and explicates the idea of God, 
the second vindicates and explicates the idea of religion, and then 
studies leligion and the religions in history, while the third inter- 
prets the supreme or absolute religion, alike m its historical 
appeal ance and in its ideal truth Without the idea of God given in 
the first, and the ideas of religion and history, or of man^s relation to 
God and God^s go\crnnient of man, given lu the second, we could 
not scientifically understand and construe the third The deeper 
our studies of philosophy and religion before coming to Christianity, 
the more transcendent will it appeal In order to an exhaustive 
knowledge we must follow i series of studies that may be grouped 
into three great divisions — lliblica). Ecclesiastical, and Constructive 

I Biblical The primary fact that here meets us is this Chris- 
tianity IS the religion, not, as is often incorrectly said, of a Book, but 
of a Revelation It has its sacred books, and it lives by faith in the 
God they reveal 

1 It is necessary to deteimine the nature and relations of these two 
things. Religion and Revelation, in order that we may be able to 
construe the reason and place of the Sacred Books, and the 
authority of the message they bring As the previous disciphnc 
has compelled us to study many religious systems and literatures, 
we cannot approach the Christian without asking. Why do ive call its 
Books Sacred ^ Why do we hold them authoritative i The world is 
full of sacred books , they arc not coi^mon to one, but peculiar to 
all rehgions The tombs and mummy-cases of Egypt are covered 
with hieroglyphic and hieratic writings, books of the living God, 
books of the Dead, with their moral laws, hall of final judgment, 
and universal judge The palaces of Assyria are, as it were, alive 
^ith inscriptions which tell of creation and the division of time, 
the fall, punishment and deliverance of man Ancient Persia had 
Its sacred books, which deaenbed man^s lost happiness, the birth of 


€vil, its conflict with the good^ and, not content with earth and time, 
make immensity and eternity the open arena of the conflict India 
is by pre-eminence the land of holy scriptures , there the Word is 
indeed divine, no God made it, uncreated it ever has been, and js 
awful in its sanctity and indestructible in its power China has its 
sacred books, as numerous as its religions, — Confucian, Taoist, 
Buddhist Mexico and Peru embodied their faith in pictitred 
histones Ancient Greece and Rome believed in their (to us) gross 
and grotesque mythologies Buddhism has its Ti ipitakaSy which its 
various branches recognize, and on which its several schools build , 
and Islam, Sunnite and ShPite alike, professes to walk by the light of 
its Koian Now, why and on what grounds do we claim that our 
Bible stands, not simplv pre-eminent among sacred books, but apart 
from them , in an order by itself, unique, authoritative , the one true 
revelation of the true God ^ The question is not to be answered 
by an appeal to the authority of an infallible and authenticating 
Church, for the Chuich assumes and builds on the truth of the 
very Word it is called in to authenticate To base the ante- 
cedent on the consequent authority is more convenient than reason- 
able , but, happily foi truih^s sake, there is no basis so secure as the 
reasonable, so insecure as the convenient Men have been too long 
asked to believe in the Bible because of its supernatural character 
^and evidences may it not be time to ask men to belie\e m it for 
natural reasons ? Would a world without a revelation be morO natural 
and more reasonable than a world with one ^ If the world be created, 
then whether is it more agreeable to reason to conceive its Creator as 
a Deity who will not, or as a Deity who must, speak to His 
creation ^ Agnosticism, as now stated and taught, assumes 
not simply the, impotence of the human, but of the divine 
reason, for a God man cannot know is at the same time a 
God that cannot make Himself known Our inability to reach 
Him IS possible only because of His inability to become intel- 
ligible to us But a livmg God cannot be silent , He must speak, 
and to speak is to reveal Himself A nature that exists through 
such a God is a nature that must have a revelation To be without 
it would be to argue that He and nature were divided by an 
impassable gulf, that its well- or lU-bcing was no care or concetn of 
His The univeisal being of sacred books but proves, on the one 
hand, the relations of God to be universal — they are, for He meant 
them to be , and, on the other, the pre-eminence of our Scriptures, for 
in them the truth and life of God are seen coming with absolute 
authority iflto the mind and history of man Their place «>nd 
nature are made evident in a thousand ways by the character they 
bear, by the persons or organs they U8e| hy the history they create 
and control, by the kmd and quality of the truth they bnng^ hy" the 



work they have done and still do for men, for peoples, and for 
collective humanity The ultimate evidence for the being of God is 
the correspondence between the mind in man and the mind in 
Nature , Nature develops mind, end mind interprets Nature , each 
being so the correlative of the other that mind has no thought with- 
out Nature, and Nature no being save through mind And in like 
manner the ultimate evidence of the truth of God in the book is its 
correspondence with the truth of God in the man , the implicit 
Deity in the one is evoked by the explicit Deity in the other , or, as 
used to be said, the witness of the Spirit in the heart attests the 
truth of the Spint in the Word The man renewed by the Word is 
a man re-made in the image of God , Ins lost sonship is restored by 
the gospel of the Son 

2 But it is not enough to have Sacred Scriptures , they must be 
interpreted, and the interpretation must be at once literary and 
historical m other words, have regard both to the form and matter 
of the revelation 

1 The formal, introductory or isagogic, studies have a wide range, 
requiring, perhaps more than any other, educated faculty and the 
scientific mind (A) There are sacred languages to master Theology 
60 depends on philology that it is as little possible to be a theologian 
as a philologian without a knowledge of the classical tongues 
IS only through them that the Scriptures which arc the sources of his 
science, the Fathers who made its beginnings, the Masters who built 
it mto system, and the terminology they created, an be understood 
Translation is foi the multitude — it does not serve the purpose of the 
scientific inquirer or thinker, the intelligence he seeks can be found 
in the originals alone The sources, the history, the terms, the 
doctrines, the whole interpretation of theology are so bound up with 
the Greek and Latin languages that ignoiance of them is ignorance 
of it But the theologian must add to the classical an important 
branch of Oriental philology, the Semitic , for he has not simply 
Greek, but Hebrew senptures to interpret, and they stand «o related 
to the languages, traditions, and histones of Arabia, Egypt, 
Phoenicia, and Assyria, that, studied out of connection with these, they 
can hardly be said to be studied at all (B) Language loads to litera- 
ture, and the sacred literature theology has to study is not simply 
immensely rich and varied, interesting above all others in the 
possession of man, but presents problems of the most delicate 
character, soluble only by critical and often most subtle processes 
(a) The texts of both Testaments have a history — nay, every one of the 
multitude of vaned readings has a history of its own , and the scholar 
must determine how the variation or corruption arose> how it is to 
be detected and the onginal reading recovered, bow a pure text is 
to be obtained^ and^how, with a view to this, the vanons families of 


manuscripts must be classified, handled, and appraised (j3) But there 
IS a literary as well as a textual history, calling for critical faculty 
and methods^ of another order Every book, sometimes eiery section 
of a book, has its own senes of problems — its date, author, purpose, 
place in the canon, and right to stand there (y) And the canon 
, has its owp senes of questions, external, but strictly correlative and 
complementary to those raised by the literature itself — how it came 
to be ? when it came to be ^ under what influences and b/ what 
authority ^ These, though only formal questions — concerned, as it 
were, with the mere shape and fashion, and not at all with the 
contents or matter of the books we bring together under the name of 
Bible — arc yet questions of surpassing moment In one aspect they 
represent the distinctive and supreme problem set to tlie biblicd 
•scholars of our day Our fathers knew it not , for them the canon 
was fixed , what tradition or ostensible literary claim had afiirmed, 
ecclesiastical authority endorsed ; Churches decieed that so many 
books constituted the canon, and that such and such men were their 
authors But the decrees framed m ignorance or on rumour are 
seldom wise decrees, and these synodical or conciliar decrees but 
buiden and perplex questions othei^isc hard enough to discuss and 
determine AVhat is the date of the Pentateuch^ How many 
|iands and how many generations were concerned in its making ’ 
Where and by whom and for what purpose was it edited ^ What 
relation does the Ijevitical bear to the Deutcronomic legislation on 
the one hand, and 'the historical books on the other ^ At what time 
did oui Psalter arise? To whom do we owe our Psalms^ Under 
what conditions, with what purpose and aim were they written ^ 
And the prophets, how were they related to each other and to the 
popular religion? to the priesthood and temple^ With what reason 
are the books that bear their names ascribed to them? Did 
they themselves wiite their books? or did they speak their 
oracles and leave the writing and the editing to scholars 
and to scrioes? Is, for example, Isaiah, or Jeremiah, or Zechariah 
the work of one oi of several hands ^ If of one, how are the most 
dissimilar literary phenomena to be explained ^ If of several, how 
has the unity arisen ^ and how does the composite authorship affect 
the worth and veracity of the book ^ Then, as to the New Testa- 
ment When were our Gospels written ? Who wrote them ^ In 
what relation do they stand to each other, to the various parties m 
the Primitive Church, to the common oral or original tradition, and to 
the development of thought and life ? Are all the Epistles that bear 
Paul's name really Pauline ^ Do the Apocalypse and the Fourth 
Gospel come from one and the same hand ? or do the Third Gospel and 
tbO Acts ? These, and such as these, are the questions the theological 
student to-day has to face and the scholar to solve Escape fi^om 



them IS impossible , they are being worked at m the study with all 
the helps comparative science in the regions of language, literature, 
history, and religion can command , they are being discijssed by eager 
minds 111 university and college, they are reaching the people, 
finding voice in the club-room, or lecture-hall, or debating society, 
and even affecting the mind of the ready ]ourndli 6 t, who thinks little 
that he may write much They cannot remain closet questions , and 
once they become a common possession, they must be settled and set 
at rest And this is a work in which the living men who teach and 
learn theology must engage Student may not throw the burden 
on professor, or professoi on student, but both must bear it 
together, that it may be borne to a peaceful end , and the end to 
be peaceful must satisfy both faith and knowledge True knowledge 
can never be unjust to faith , and the faith that is unjust to know- 
ledge IS but convicted faithlessness 

u The material studies connected with the Scriptures are of three 
kinds — historical, cx< gctical, and theological (a) The historical are 
concerned with the people of the book and their great religious 
personalities, with the progiess oi evolution of their law or religion, 
and the mode in which it is aSected by both inner and outer condi- 
tions and events (i) The cxcgctical studn s endeavour, by the help 
of philology, archaeology, and the other ancillary sciences, to translate 
and mterpiet the texts , while (c) the theological seek to co-oidinate 
and articulate the unsystematizcd thought of the texts so interpreted 
Exegesis deals with a book or text as continuous, but Biblical Theology 
with the beliefs oi ideas of each wiiter , the former is satisfied with 
the explanation of what he lias written in the order he himself has 
followed, but the latter aims at a connected exposition and exhibition 
of the truths he held There may be biblical excgtsis without 
biblictil theology, but theic can be no theology without exegesis 
Exegesis is literary, but theology scientific, it treats the writers 
individually, but only that it may get a complete view of the mind of 
each, alike as regards the organization of its beliefs and its place and 
action in the collective history These studies are all intei -related 
and mter-dependent , the history, thn liteiature, and the theology 
must all be studied together and m living connection, in order to be 
mteUigible The man must not be removed from his place, or the 
book from its time, or the thought from its period, if the tiuth' con- 
cerning either or all is to be found A revelation embedded in a 
history must be studied as a history , the student who would know it 
must study it in the order or mode of its coming The notions of 
the later must not be carried into the earlier books — ^these must be 
allowed to speak for themselves, and their ideas must be interpreted 
m the light of the cognate religions Thus we sec God at first con- 
ceived as the Mighty, the Maker and Sovereign of Nature , then as 


the God of a people Ho has chosen, and, by the giving of a law, con- 
stituted a nation *The laWs are moral man obedient is rewarded, 
disobedient, is punished As the God who abides by His word, 
whether it promises or threatens, He is faithful , while man, as he 
obeys or disobeys, is good or wicked To feel guilty in the presence 
of a God who punishes is to believe at once m the need of sacrifice 
and in the holiness of the God who cannot look on sin without dis- 
pleasure Hut there is something higher than the being able to 
punish, the being willing to save, and so the idea of th|P placable 
Deity rises into the idea of the God who must and will save, even 
though it be by the sufiering and sacrifice of Himself And so the 
process which began Witli faith in a God who was but personalized 
might, ends with faith in a God who is the Saviour ot man Yet 
the historical movement docs not cud, as it were, in a mere abstract 
faith or conception, for the theology penetrates the history, the 
history realizes the theology If God saves men, it must be through 
man His transcendence must become immanence if Natuie is to bve 
in and move through Him And His relation to man must be no 
less real or intimate if by Him man is to live, and so He whet 
bears the form of God takes the form of man, that humanity may 
be saved The basis of redemption is in the nature of God , the 
agent of redemption is the historical yet eternal Son And so the 
highest Person of sacred history becomes the highest Pioblem of 
biblical theology While the one represents Him undei^thc forms 
of time, the other conceives Him under the form of eteinity — not 
simply as an historical, but as a universal and divmc Person, come to 
fulfil a purpose implicit in the character of God, involved m the 
constitution of natuic and evolved m the course of history 

II Ecclesiastical Chiist creates the Church, and the Church 
interprets Christ Neither is intelligible without the other , raScally 
to understand either, both must be understood With Him the old 
world ends and the new begins The centuries that divide ua from 
Him have been ruled by His name, and the civilized States of 
to-day have risen under His influence His society has never ceased 
to be, and it has been at every moment a factor of change , it has 
disintegrated empiies and constructed kingdoms, at once worked 
andwsuffered revolution, and its revolutions have shaken down 
and Tbuilt up States, determined the ♦ course of history, the behefs, 
hopes, and ideals of man, and of all that constitutes him reason and 
Spirit To interpret the Church, therefore, is not simply to interpret 
Christ, but modern history , to understand how oui civilization has, 
come to be, and how it stands not only distinguished from the 
ancient and classical, but related to Chnat as its efficient and determi- 
native cause Here, then, we have a series of questions vast enough 
for the exercise of the lughest critical and philosophical faculty 



1 (fl) There are questions as to the institution of the Church 
What and why is it ? How is it related to the Kingdom of Heaven ? 
Are they distinct or identical ^ Did Christ found it ? What was 
the authority He gave to it, and whether was it given to the Church 
as a whole, or to its several component societies, or to a special 
order or sacred class ^ In what relation does His Headship stand 
to the political and social organizations that call themselves Churches, 
and the officialisms they have created? In other words, is it a 
Headship^ of polity, working through and realized by legislative 
machinery, or is it a Headship of the Spirit, active and actual 
wherever there is love of Him and IIis truth ^ Did He institute 
sacraments ^ What do they mean, and what were they intended to 
effect ? (6) But the institutional become constitutional questions How 
have the Churches of to-day become what they are ^ In what way 
are they related to, in what degree do they agree with or differ from 
the pnmitive ^ Did the primitive embody a s icerdotal idea ? Had 
they a priesthood, a graded clergv, a system of ceremonial and 
sacnfice? If they had not, how has the rise of these things 
affected the ideal of religion ^ How have changes in the constitu- 
tion of the Church affected the notion of the sacraments and the 
idea and claims of the clergy^ Constitutional liistoiy is a com- 
plicated study, possible only if the methods of analytical criticism 
are followed Constitutions grow, the growth is conditioned , and 
the function of criticism is to discover the reason and diiection of 
change — whether due to evolution fiom within or adoption from 
without, or both , and whether its tendency is to perlcct oi destroy, 
realize or abolish, the original ideal Scientific method lias accom- 
plished great things for our civil history , it will accomplish still 
greater things for onr ecclesiastical It is well for man to cease to 
live m a world of illusions, however venerated and venerable they 
may be , and the criticism that restores him to reality saves him 
from a bondage that may be all the worse for being revered and 

2 The intellectual history of the Church raises another series 
of questions — those connected with religious thought and doctrine 
First, it has to deal with Symbolics, or the attempts of the 
Churches to formulate and reduce to system the truths they be^ve 
Each symbol—whether so called oecumenical, like the Nicen^ or 
sectional, like the Lutheran, Anglican, Westminster, Tridentme, and 
Vatican-— has a history which must be written, a meaning which 
must be explained, and, as standing in antagonism to or agreement 
with other creeds or confessions, a significance at once common and 
sectional, which must be made manifest by comparison Secondly, 
each doctrine has a history, and cannot be understood apart from 

Fathers stated it. Doctors developed it, Churches formulated it, 
oples believed it , ^d in each phase it appears in a new ^spect-* 

s > 


chained, modified, ennchcd, or impoverished Thirdly, systems 
have a history, ages when they begin, are built up, and are dis- 
solved There is a mediaeval scholasticism, a scholasticism of the 
seventeenth century , one of the Catholic, another of the Lutheran, 
and another of the Reformed Churches Each has its own basis, 
method, and material conception or doctrine, by which the whole 
system is organized and determined Fourthly, religious thought^ 
philosophic and apologetic, has a history Chuiches do not simply 
think their own thoughts , the Zeitgeist touches them, quickens or 
paralyzes their intellect, dissolves their systems or verifies their 
beliefs A Renaissance comes with its new knowledge, a sixteenth 
century with its new life, an eighteenth century with its deism and 
prosaic rationalism, and the thinkers, whether within or without 
the Churches, who attempt to renew religion by rc-stating old truths, 
have as high a significance as the Father or schoolman The intel- 
lectual history of the Church, conceived and construed from the 
standpoint of the scholar, is not simply immense, but instructive, 
as hardly any other study , teaching the student how to appraise the 
claims of the Churches, how to sepaiate the essential and accidental 
in doctrine, how to love the seekeis for the truth, and how to pursue 
the scaich after it Without it there can be neither criticism nor 
construction in the icgion of religious belief 

3 But the intellect of a society does not work apart from its 
moral or spiritual condition Polity, theology, and religion, while 
distinct, are yet inseparable , they possess a common character and 
express a common life There is nothing that judges polity and 
• doctrine Ijke the history of godliness , it shows whether they tend to 
enrich or impoverish life Hence, it is not enough to study the 
morphology of the body ecclesiastic , its biology, in the proper sense 
of that term, must be studied as well It has two aspects, the per- 
sonal and the collective , or the life as realized, first, by representative 
men, and secondly, by the society as a whole The spirit of a Church 
IS expressed in the characters it forms and the persons it canonizes , its 
saints i^mbody its ideal of saintliness, and so are its most character- 
istic creations, types of the manhood, individual and social, it seeks 
to realize It is a significant thing to find out whether a society 
most loves the ascetic, monastic, mystic, or puritan ideal, whether it 
praisSi more the devoted ecclesiastic or the beneficent citizen , whether 
its high rewards are for the sectional or the humaner virtues Then, 
its collective life must be studied, how it binds together belief and 
conduct, its manner of serving man and the State, its modes of ex- 
pansion and amelioration, its missions, beneficences, philanthropies, 
policies , m fi word, its endeavours to further, not its own being, but 
God s kingdom upon earth The Greek Church claims* to be orthodox, 
the Latin to be catholic , but without the note of goodness or god- 
liness no Church can be true, and with it no Church can be false. 



4 But the Church must be studied on its secular and real; as well 
as on its political; intellectual, and religious side It stands on the 
plane of universal history, translating its thought and life into action, 
helping to determine the course and destinies of States and civiliza- 
tions Churches and States stand in mutual relations, reciprocally in- 
fluenced and influencing , indeed, divorce between these is so impos- 
sfible that the most radical Free Church theory may be described as a 
method for augmenting rather than lessening the action of the Church 
on the State Science cannot allow the unity and continuity of history 
to be broken, the division into sacred and profane ” being to it as 
unreal as the division into ancient and modern ” While the Church 
may, under one aspect, be conceived and handled as a living organism, 
it must, under another, be construed and described as a member of a 
vaster body, intelligible only when viewed in relation to the larger 
whole to which it belongs The ancient woild organized the Church, 
the Church organized the modern world, and so the inevitable ques- 
tion emerges How, whv, under what conditions, by what forces, 
with what results, have these things been done ? To ansTHer this 
question, it is necessary first to discuss the attitude of the primitive 
Christian societies to the empire, their action on it, its action on them , 
the changes incident to the conversion of Constantine and the estab- 
lishment of Christianity , the wav it furthered the organization of the 
Church on the old imperial lines, the continuance under changed 
forms of the ancient pontifical attributes and religious prerogatives of 
the emperor, the gradual transference of these, as his power decayed, 
to the Bishop of Borne, and the consequent emergence of a new 
imperialism The Roman Church is the child of the Roman Empire , 
it could tis little have been without Caesar as without Christ, 
its ideals, policy, methods, being such as became a transformed eternal 
city rather than a realized kingdom of heaven But the impenalized 
Church has its own peculiar activities creates infant, nurses feeble, 
commands mature States , promotes order, limits tyranny, comes to 
tyrannize, is honoured, obeyed, resisted, broken, with the result that 
new Churches with new ideals and influences arise And so, seqpndly, 
there must be inquiry into the civil and political action of all the 
Chi?Lrche8,howthey affect progress, order,freedom, the happiness and well- 
being of peoples This is a study in comparative politics and histo- 
nes, forcing us to look into the varied vital relations of the ecclesiastical 
ideal to the realities of the social and civil State, as illustrated by the 
action of Rome in the States she created and still controls, and the action 
of Protestantism, and the various types of Protestantism, m the States 
she expanded, founded, educated, and still guides Thirdly, the Churches 
have affected literature and art The religion that does not quicken 
and fill the imagination does not satisfy the spirit or ennch the life, and 
the Church that is inimical to literature or injurious to the highest «<; 


18 false to rebgion , while aif alienated literature and a debased or 
sensuous art meau that the Church has ceased to be a force that 
makes for culture, and become unable either to understand, interpret, 
or realize those sublime truths that ought to be the inspiration and joy 
of man Thus, viewc# on its real or secular side, the history of the 
Church ought to show the progressive realization, in all the forms of 
personal and collective being, of the grander Chiistian ideals To 
see what ideals the Churches consider the grander, and how they 
achieve, or seek to achieve, their realization, is to be made to under- 
stand the degree in which they are Churches of Christ 

III Constructive Theology is not simply a cycle of historical 
sciences, but the science which has, abo\c all others, to do with the 
exercise of the reason, the direction of the conscience, the education 
of the heart, and the conduct of life It is not a mere branch of 
historical archaeology) concerned with the discovery and resuscitation 
of a dead and buried world , but it is a living science — a science of 
life, and for the living It lives^ for it looks eagerly into all the 
provinces of knowledge foi material that may add to its already rich 
stores The investigations that, by widening the universe, fill and 
inspire the imagination, peopling space with worlds and eternity 
with creative toices and activities, the discoveries that have restored 
the languages and literatures of long decayed empires, the specula- 
tions that have giicn us the ideas of law and order, evolution and 
progress, have all enlarged the domain, clarified the vision, refined 
the spirit, sifted, tested, exalted the ideas of Theology And, as it 
lives, it gives life, lifts man above the tyranny of the sensuous and the 
temporal, softens for him the mysteries and the miseries of being, 
cheers him with immortal hopes, brings his dim and narrow existence 
under the inspiration and governance of the transcendental and 
divine To accomplish this it has a threefold constructive discipline, 
— Doctrinal, Ethical, and Political 

1 Constructive or systematic Theology is the interpretation an^ 
articulation of the truths or material supplied by the philosophical 
and historical sciences in terms and forms intelligible to Imng 
mmd and relevant to living thought It is not the study of texts, 
or the exposition of Symbols, Fathers, and Schoolmen There is 
nothing *80 fatal to constructive thought as the dominion of an 
ancient council or a dead divine The spirit of truth did not cease 
to live when the Fathers died , to be faithful to it, we must hold 
Theology to be as kving now as it was then, and the living teacher 
to be as much bound to find for it fib and masterful speech But 
he cannot create it out of a vacant consciousness , he must come to 
it with the sympathies, knowledge, and capabilities the historical 
sciences have created To know the history of doctrine is to be 
saved from many an error , it is to be made to understand the limits 



of the possible, to be made critical of cludities, doubtful of bnlliaut 
generalizations or plausible theories, suspicious of a too visionary or 
too adventurous speculation The man who has with open soul 
studied dogma in its history, is on his way to the caution that is 
true boldness , he will dare to build whenf^he has material, and 
to refuse when he has none , he will test every stone he uses, and 
will use only those that have stood not merely his test, but that of 
time Still, his aim is to know the past that he may serve the 
present, following it where it has followed the truth, but no farther 
The supreme problem of to-day is to construct a Theology real and 
relevant to living mind , a system so articulated out of reason and 
history, so interpretative of Nature and man, so incorporating the 
highest truths of all the sciences and the surest intuitions of the 
spirit, that it shall force man to say Here is a system not suited 
to the necessities and audacious*inf'illibilities df a Church, always 
most errant when most authoiitativ^e , but so large, reasonable, com- 
prehensive, that one must confess it a veritable intellectual system of 
the universe Constiuctive Theology is the interpretation o£ Nature, 
man, and history, through the conception of the God who is at once 
their first and final cause The moie vciacious this conception, the 
more veracious the theology The system that builds on and 
expounds the dogmas of a Church, is but that Church's system , but 
the Theology which is throughout determined by the notion of the 
God and Fathei of our Lord Jesus Christ is a Christian Theology 
2 Constructive Ethics Theology cannot remain a mere intel- 
lectual system , it must be applied to the regulation of life It 
touches ethics both on the speculative and practical sides on the 
one side it deals with the basis and idea of duty , on the other, with 
this as realized in and interpreted through an historical ideal 
Theological arc essentially transcendental ethics , then ultimate idea 
18 an absolute yet personalized law — a concrete yet unconditional 
eategorical imperative But Christian ethics are the realization of 
the theological , as it were, the beneficent energies of God expressed, 
embodied, made real and efficient in an historical peraon Christ's 
law of love is but the application to human conduct of the principle 
that determines the divine will From the double bases thus 
supplJbdj Constructive Ethics have to build up an ideal vf character , 
define^ develop, and enforce the duties that bring the perfect life 
The idea of man in the ethics but translates the idea of God in the 
theology , their aim is so to secure the godliness that is godlikeness, 
that the will reigning iii heaven may be realized on earth 

3 Constructive Politics As the highest constructive achieve- 
ment of philosojihy is an ideal republic, and the loudest dream of 
the philosopher the mode of its realization, so the final function of 
theology 18 to unfold its ethical contents into an ideal of society 


and the State, though as one that can be satisfied only by the com- 
prehension and perfection of all mankind Christ came to found a 
kingdom, and were his purpose fulfilled, the Church would disappear 
in the State, or the State in the Church — t e , His truth would so 
penetrate and change all peoples and societies that they should be 
through and through and lu all things Christian The law that 
governs the good man ought to govern the good State , the inter- 
national laws of Christian peoples should be but the transcript of the 
law that binds a man to love his neighbour as himself And 
Theology, undismayed by the failures of the past, should inspire the 
present and create the future by boldly bidding the imagination 
depict the ideal city of God that her sons may realize it 

iv * 

1 We are now in a position to discuss, though it must be most 
briefly, the right of Theology to be considered an academic discipline 
It is indeed so vast a cycle of sciences, that unless it be academically, 
it can never be really or exhaustively studied It requires so many 
teachers, specialists all — philosophers, philologians, historians, critics, 
archiBologists, exegetes, constructive scholars and thinkers — that only 
a University could make a home spacious enough to hold them, and 
rich enough to supply the material they need And its studies are 
educative — so much so, that the theological arc the onlr sciences that, 
taken alone, could they be so taken, would give a really liberal edu- 
cation They cultivate every faculty — philosophical, linguistic, his- 
torical, critical, literary, and, above all, those architectonic faculties 
that find among the rum criticism has worked only the materials 
for a nobler and more stable structure To pursue them a man must 
have the imagination that at once sees and realizes the past , the 
sympathy that keeps him so iri love with men that he can, however 
divided by time and thought, understand them, and be just to their 
opinions , the insight that refuses to be blinded either by prejudice or 
partiality, the judicial sense that feels the sectary’s passion as little 
as the cvnic^s disdain , the patience that grudges no labour and knows 
no fear m the search for truth , the openness of mind that can bear 
suspense and set judgment free till the case be fully heard and 
justly closed And the sciences the theologian studies correspond to 
the faculties they exercise and cultivate They are the sublimest and 
most far-reaching of the sciences, deal with the most universal, abiding, 
and sovereign elements in human nature, the mightiest forces in his- 
tory, the grandest monuments of literature and art, the most wonderful 
social phenomena, the most silent yet most irresistible factors of 
political evolution and change On the lowest ground, to deny Jthese 
sciences an academic position would be to leave the cycle of know- 
ledge incomplete , on a somewhat higher ground, it would be to 




divorce studies whose union is necessary to the wholeness and harmony 
of a people’s life Man does not live by bread alone , in its strength 
he can never either be or do his beat The utilities are not the great 
forces of discovery , Nature hides her choicest secrets from the man 
who seeks them for greed or gam Man is ruled by his ideals , he 
sees by the light of large and living ideas^ and if he lives in an 
atmosphere where they cannot breathe^ the best of himself will die 
in their death To hold everything worthy of knowledge but the 
faith by which he has lived^ is to hold the accidents of life better 
than its essence Theology may not create religion, but religion 
cannot abide without Theology , if it be not dealt with as truth, it 
will not long be believed as true, just as to spare a Church out of 
reverence for its past, or out of pity for the feeble-minded, is but to 
dpom it to a sterner death But religion is too essential to man to 
be dismissed from the field of his inquiries , and while it stands 
there the sciences concerned with it ought to fill as large a place in 
the academic system as religion itself fills in the history and mind of 
man The University that wants them is without the studies that, 
more than any others, are needed for the complete education of man 
and the complete interpretation of his universe 

Of course, to plead for Theology as an academic discipline does not 
mean that it be made either the universal or the only discipline 
Theology to be a real study must be loved While the heart alone 
can never make a theologian, the theologian can never be made 
without heart, and heart in and for his work Few things, indeed, 
are harder than to be a pious divine The truths men delight to 
meditate on only in moments of holy rapture are by him sub- 
jected to the hardening process of analysis But all the more docs 
he need to hold his soul pure by keeping it open to God, and his 
heart tender by keeping it open to man If Theology be not loved, 
the discipline will not eaucatc Perfunctory and compulsory 
drill IS more likely to be harmful than beneficial Men will not 
love religion the better that they must, in order to a pass degree, 
be coached in its rudiments , scamped work never yet awoke love or 
quickened faith in the man who had to do it The best security for 
religious education is the religious educator , without him rules for 
unready learners will be enforced in vain Academic Theology is for 
the training of theologians, and ought to stand as a secondary and 
special after the primary and general studies, with a course at 
least equal in length to these Physical science, confident of its 
own sufficiency, may claim to be able to dispense with the Litem 
Humamorea , but, for my part, I feel that Theology is most honoured 
by making no such claim It is too universal in its relations to be 
able to stand alone , it will disclose its best treasures only to those 
who come to it cultivated by the study of the humaner letters 


2 But this paper must uot end without a word of another kind 
It IS a plea for an academic discipline in academic and educationH 
interests^ but not m these alone The writer loves his science, 
honours it, and would have it honoured of all men , and hf knows 
no way of honouring a science but by zealous and unweaned 
cultivation But he also loves religion, wishes to see it clearly 
conceived, stienuously defended^ truly taught, fully realized, and 
he pleads for a larger, deeper, wiser studv of Theology as the noblest 
service now possible to religion Our scepticism is mainly a thing 
of Ignorance J its conceptions of religious truth and history hardly 
rise above those of an ill-taught schoolboy One is amazed to find 
the absurd and puerile fancies that pass with the apostles of 
Agnosticism and Positivism for knowledge of Christianity And 
there is ignorance abroad because there is defective knowledge at 
home We need a generation of trained teachers , a great school 
of Theology would, by the creation of the simple yet potent agencies 
of new thought and new knowledge, introduce a religious epoch 
The great theologian is the greatest of all human forces in religion , 
no sect owns him, for all sects feel his spirit and his power The 
pritest made by a sacred caste belongs to the caste that made him , 
but the great theologian, though sprung out of one Church, belongs 
to all the Churches, supplies them with truth, learning, literature 
Peter may have done more for the organization of the Church than 
Paul, but Paul did more for its thought, and so has been mightier 
than Peter Two men, indeed, rise out of the* primitive Church as 
sources of imperishable quickening energies — Paul and John The 
system Paul has developed in his great Epistles — Ins doctrines of love 
and grace, faith and works, righteousness and life, election and 
sovereignty, the first and the second Adam — formed the mind of 
Augustine, inspired the thought of Anselm, touched and quieted 
the conscience of Luther, subdued the intellect of Calvin, and have 
lived like a ubiquitous presence in the minds of the men who have 
intensely feared sin because they so greatly loved God And the 
lofty speculations of John as to God and His word, as to light and 
life, love and truth, the Father and the Son, created theologians 
like Athanasius, mystics like Tauler and Boehme, enthusiasts like 
Francis of Assisi, and the great multitude who have loved quietude 
and fled from self to God Men will never lose their interest in 
things rehgious , Nature herself is the guarantee that he who speaks 
most wisely concerning them will never speak in vain The school 
that can tram men so to speak will attain a sovereignty such as is 
unknown to the Cabinet of the most honouied statesman or the 
Council of the best loved queen 

A M Fairuaisn 


* Un paradiB perdu cat lopjours quand on vent no 
paradis reconquis — IIbvav 
Sc nuo\a Icirfrc non ti to^Iie 
Memona — Pwr^ II 

T hey lived m a simple cottage, very much like ordinary folk 
Their children had left them — married, and settled at a 
distance, as children will , so, once more, they were all in all Ho 
each other They had obtained permission to return to the garden 
in which they had spent their happy and innocent days They 
found the gate swinging on its hinges, and the fiery cherub was not 
there It consoled them to return to the old spot, though their 
conditions were so changed The air around the rose bushes was as 
sweet as ever, and they soon grew accustomed to the pi;^cklcs 

During their exile they liad become acquainted with those arts 
that provide men with shelter against the heat and cold Accord- 
ingly, Adam built a small hut of stones, and Eve plaited wool and 
fibres into coverings for heyself and her Jiiisband As the ages went 
on, and the population of the world increased, they no longer lived 
in solitude The fact that the spring came full three weeks earlier 
to +he valley where they had built their cottage than to any even of 
the more sheltered nooks among the hills, led men who were begin- 
ning to look on the earth with practical, business eyes to settle 
near them The old gate, swinging on its hinges, presented no 
obstacle to the enterprising young colonist, and the inhabitants of 
the moss grown tenement smiled, and held sacred the secret that 
the new comers had intruded on the precincts of Paradise From 
the settlers they learnt many facts concerning the advance of the 
world, the arts of navigation, commerce, government, and war But 
they remained a recluse old couple It was only very rarely 
that a neighbour looked in, and chatted with them, as one does chat 
with the aged, of those matters th6,t will interest and delight 
them Women pitied Eve, believing that she was childless, and 



noticed with compassioa her maternal manner to their little onef 
To lovers she was somewhat austere , it was impossible to her to 
imagine courtship otherwhere than in the bowers of Paradise She 
listened attentively when any spake to her of death , without violence 
or bloodshed she thought it must be tranquil as the deep sleep 
from which she woke when life was given to her Tidings of war 
greatly affected her, but beyond all other things she was distressed at 
the sight of children quarrelling She would part the little dispu- 
tants, and, taking them on her knee, would tell them a story of two 
brothers who quarrelled till one of them grew so angry he slew the 
other in a field, and then went away from his parents very sorry, and 
could not come to live with them again for shame But she did not 
speak, even to the little children, of God Now and then she dropt a 
quiet tear on them, and their mothers would diaw them away, saying 
they were sure now she must once have hfeld in her arms a baby 
of her own 

In appearance Eve was exceedingly giacious and beautiful, full of 
reticence and dignity , people always spoke of lier as a ladv, and 
whispered to one another that she had come of good stock To her 
husband she was full of a wistful courtesy , it seemed as if he had 
made some sacrifice in mairying her, and her devotion was mingled 
with gratitude In Adam there was less that was peculiar than in 
his wife He woiild stand often on his threshold m the evening and 
look out lie had forgotten that centuries had passed by, and was 
still yearning for the return of his firstborn — the wandeier It was 
Eve who m the spring-tide turned to the meadow where the lambs 
were playing, and she always went alone When she came back 
she would put her arms round her husband’s neck and kiss him 
He did not understand that she was come from a grave , but he 
was grateful for the kiss, and drew her away to look at the young 
sprouting blades of corn He had become a husbandman, and 
was skilled in the tilling of the giound E\e never looked happier 
than when he came home hot and hungry from working in the fields 
She loved to set his meal, lay her head on his knee, and listen to 
his talk of the wonderful new ways of raising crops and planting vine- 
yards He was busy and contented, and there was no regret in his 
face But their conveisation did not always turn on commonplace 
matters On winter evenings they often discussed ancient 
history, and showed a familiar acquaintance with the stories we now 
read m the early chapters of Genesis Sometimes they would 
quarrel and grow sullen, or violently disagree Then Adames voice 
would be heard in reproach, or Eve^s in contention, and Adam would 
walk out, and lean against the old swing-gate that seemed to be the 
natural boundary^ 6f his little domain When Eve saw him leaning 
against the gate, and apparently forgetful of her, she would steal up 



to him softly, and they would walk home togetheri a new light m 
their eyes All age had passed from their faces^ and there was 
majesty in their least caressing touchy for they had no suspicion of 
intruders, and thought only of each other After these hours of 
reconciliation, they would speak of quite another time in their lives, 
when evidently there had been deep accord between them , then, 
an5 then only, was Eve heard to laugh, — a silvery, ringing laugh, full 
of unimaginable mirth, and Adam, diunk with the witchery, would 
grow eloquent and tender 

As the ages passed on, though somewhat old-fashioned, they 
learned to read and write, for they were of strong, vigorous faculty , 
and, as they attracted and retained the love of all who visited them, 
they had intercourse with friends in various parts of the world One 
traveller — he was an American — ^kept them regularly supplied with 
newspapers , these Adam read diligently to his wife , and his keen 
brown eyes looked up at her from their pages, without spectacles, as 
lustrous and fervid as when he repeated to lier his conveisation with 
the archangel Baphael He learnt all about the slave-trade, and 
the excitement of Livingstone^s discoveries, stories of travel and 
exploration were peculiarly interesting to him, for he was haunted by 
the superstition that some day one of these wonderful discoverers would 
come across his lost boy Cain, he felt sure, was still a wanderer, and 
an exile he looked for tidings of him, when he heard of the discovery 
of a new world , and later on, in the nineteenth century, when 
no murderer — but he checked himself, and resumed, in his thoughts, — 
when no lost person could remain hidden, even though he were lying 
at the bottom of some deep Alpine cleft, there seemed really a fair 
expectation that some clue to the missing one would be found He 
even began once a desciiption of his boy, as he looked when he last 
saw him, with the intention of forwarding it to the Time^, but his 
wife bade him reflect that, if their son weie still living, his costume, 
his skin, and the manner of wearing Ins hair would be changed 

A little before the time at which I am writing a serious grief 
befell this worthy old couple, and I fear it will be long before they 
will recover from the eflects of it Though, as I have hinted, they 
to some extent kept pace with the world, and had probably heard of 
the French Eevolution, the works and influence of the great thinkors 
were unknown to them They could scarcely, indeed, be expected 
to feel interest in philosophy, holding as they did the simple clue 
to the mysteries of the universe The literature of the Middle 
Ages they had always found excessively tedious, but they were well 
versed in modem poets and authors, and would sometimes remark of 
a favourite volume that it might have been written in their own 
garden One day " The Earthly Paradise " was brought to them by 
an English traveller# They were sitting together under an almond 


tree — ^one that they had planted m £den^ because it was the first fair 
creature that had greeted them in the wilderness^ when they were 
dnven from their home by the flamiug sword The tree stretched a 
bough of pink blossom, clear against the blue sky, above their heads^ 
and they sat — the young Englishman noted^ as he turned back to look 
at them, after bidding farewell — serene and without curiosity, the book 
unclosed upon their knee This was before they had received the in- 
telligence that so troubled them as quite to overcloud their lives I 
cannot enter into the details of their religion, enough that they had 
always believed it a happy thing to be born, and had neyer regretted 
that they had peopled the world, even though they had brought sin and 
death into it by their one rash act of disobedience For, though God 
had forced them and their offspring to labour and to suffer, He 
had lievcr withdrawn from them the comfort and solace of love It 
is doubtful indeed whether they would ever have learnt to care much 
for each other in Paradise, where there was neither peril nor dis- 
comfort Adam once confessed to his wife that it was not until he 
saw tears in her bright eyes that he felt the longing to cherish her 
replace the old covetous desire of her beauty In like manner 
it was when Adam returned from his first day of distress and fatigue 
with the spade that Eve felt a wifely tenderness spring up towards 
him 111 her bosom, and from that hour it was her chief happiness to 
mend his clothes, prepare his food carefully, and make his seasons of 
rest from labour full of refreshment and delight In Eden,^^ she 
said, therd was nothing we could do for each other, and now we 
are quite dependent ” 

It must not be imagined that these two old people never thought 
regretfully of the days when evervtliing happened just as they had 
planned , they often grew gloomy and impatient, and when they found 
bad desires and yslfish hopes creeping into their minds, their terror 
and astonishment were indescribable But, as I have said, they never 
doubted that life wts a blessing, that Providence was kind, and happi- 
ness within the reach of every human creature I now come to the 
cause of the great misery that is at present disheartening and dis- 
turbing them It has reached their ears that over wide tracts of 
Europe there arc people, not suffering from war, famine, poverty, or 
^pestilence, who yet bitterly bewail their lot, arc inclined to think 
Hhat the most satisfactory moments of their lives are those spent m 
sleep or in forgetfulness, and desire only to 'divert themselves, at 
whatever cost, till they die When Adam heard of the strange 
lunacy that had thus befallen his offspring, he exclaimed, 
“ Let these young people fall m love and marry '' That they 
cannot do/^ replied sadly the young European they were 
questioning, ''they love no one but themselves If they see a 
beauliful object or creature, they no longer desire to foster it, but 



to destroy or to consume it ” They are afraid of God > it is as 
■when we hid ourselves in the garden/' Eve whispered to Adam 
On the contrary/' rejoined their guest, they do not believe in 
any God, and they have no fear of punishment " Yet surely 
sometimes they feel grateful , that, it seems to me, is one of the 
things that make up for having done wrong In my youth I lived 
a quite blameless life , afterwards, when I had fallen into grievous 
sin, those whom I had injured were kind to me It is the 
blessings one does not deserve that are so precious/' added Eve, 
timidly, and^id her face, that was blushing like a girl's, behind her 
husband's shoulder But these people, who believe cverj thing is 
getting worse, consider that life gi\es them much less than their 
desert , even their poets, one of them especially, who was once full 
of marvellous hope, seem to think that, unless men can retam in 
their grasp for ever the delights and aflcctious that they prize, it 
would have been far better never to ha\e possessed them ” And 
do the poets say this ^ ” cried Adam, in astonishment ^^hy, we 

two were in Paradise scarcely a twchcnionth, and yet " Eve 

softly laid her hands on her husband's lips, and, turning to the 
stranger, continued There is a little bit ot Paradise still in t\ery 
human life, and its duration is probably as long as that enjojed by 
the first two dwellers upon earth Wl are old people, and our 
children are dead , I do not think I shall ever see my little ones again, 
by-and-by one of us will be left alone , but we shall reniembci till 
we die , pcrchaucc the unhappy people of whom you are speaking 
have never made aiiv memories ^ Either they h ive been happy 
once, and lost the secret of living over again their happy day*#, or 
they care nothing at all about the past, and hold that every moment 
should contain its special little portion of felicity, as a dewdrop 
its spark of light " If they have lost the secret<K)f hoarding the 
hours," rejoined Eve, very gravely, " they mcay well wish they had 
never been born " * 

After this, nothing was said over ill-ncws old people brood, they 
do not get cxeited, or change colour, but thev Avake in the night 
and turn over all they have heard, and repeat it to one another for 
many days, like a piece they would get by heart I ftlt that this 
would happen, when I left them, as I did, abruptly , for I had 
divined their secret, and, though I am but a careless young fellow, 
I had no mmd to witness the affliction of the worthy old couple, 
whom m some sort I regaided as my grand-parents I have never 
visited them again, and I shall tell no man the w ay to their cottage 
They will live in my memory as I left them — simple, majestic figures, 
their faces full of astonishment and pain I think of them fre- 
quently after a hard business day, or an evening spent in fashionable 
society And my one hope with regard to them is that I may live 


• # 

to be old enough to see men desire the simplicity they have never 
lost Can it be that, m obscurity as great as that which hides them 
from the eye of a busy world, the young and ardent are planning the 
conditions of a life that shall be as blessed in desire and fruition 
as that of the two )oung loveis, who, after the shedding of a few 
natural tears at the loss of their early illusions, accepted their 
lot, endured its haidships, shared its joys, and, redeemed by patience 
and hope from its degradation, find the ample veais of age all too 
few to recount the consolations of memory ^ 

Michv£L Field 


"1^ OW that the foundations of the Palace are fairly laid, and the walls 
JL 1 of the Great Hall are rapidly rising, and the future existence 
of this institution for good or for evil seems assuied, it may bej 
permitted tb one who has watched day by day, with the keenest i 

interest, the result of Sir ildmund Curriers appeals, to offer a few 

remaiks on the manner m which these appeals have been received, 
and on the mental attitude of the^ public towards the class whom it 
IS desired to befriend 

I It IS, to begin with, highly significant that tlie recreative side 
of the Palace has not been so strongly insisted upon as its educa-^ 
tional side Is this because the working man, for whom the Palace 
IS building, has suddenly developed an extraordinary ardour for 
education, and a previously unexpected desire for the acquisition of 
knowledge in all its branches? Not at all It is because the 

recreative part of the scheme has few attractions for the general 

pjLblic, and because the educational part, once it began to assume a 
practical shape, was seen to possess possibilities which could bo 
grasped by evejfy one Whatever be the future of the Palace as 
regards the recreation of the people, one thing is quite clear — ^that 
its educational capacities are almost boundless, and that there will 
he founded here a University for the People of a kmd hitherto 
unknown and undreamed of 

The recreation of the people, in fact, has proved a stumbling-block 
rather than an attraction It is a new idea suddenly presented to 
people who have never consideicd the subject of recreation at all, 
save in connection with skittles, so to speak Now it seems hardly 
necessary to erect a splendid palace for the better convenience of the 
skittle alley The objections, in fact, to supporting the scheme on the 
ground of its recreative aims show a mixture of prejudice andlguo^** 
ance which ought to astonish us were we not daily^ in every busi- 
ness transaction and in every talk with friend or stranger, encoun* 



teringj and very likely revealing, the mpst wonderful prejudice and 
Ignorance One should never be surpiised at finding great black 
patches in every mind 

The black patch which concerns us, in the minds of those who have 
been asked to support the People^s Palace, is the subject of recreation 
There are enough music-halls What have the working classes to 
do with recreation ^ If we give anything for the people it will be 
for their improvement, not for their amusement To these three 
objections all the rest may be reduced Each objection points to a 
prejudice of v ery ancient standing, or else to a deep-seated ignoiance of 
the whole subject 

To deal with the first It is assumed that recreation means 
amusement, idle and purposeless, if not skittles with beer and 
tobacco, then the music-hall with beer and tobacco, the comic 
man bawling a topical song and executing the famous clog dance 
If one points out that it is not amusement that is meant, but 
recreation, which is explained to mean a very different thing, 
while a truer conception of what recreation really means may be 
seized, then there remains a rooted disbelief as to the power of the 
working man to rise above his beer and skittles It is a disbelief 
jBOt at all based upon familiarity with the manners and customs of 
the working man, because the ordinary well-to-do citizen, however 
much he may have read of manners and customs in other countries,, 
is, as a rule, perfectly ignorant and perfectly incurious as to those ofy 
his fellow-countrymen, nor is it based upon the belief that the 
working man is imperfect in mind or body , but on an assurance that 
the working man will never lift himself to the level of the higher form 
of recreation, simply because the ordinary man knows himself and 
his own practice He desires to be amused, and according to his 
manner of life he finds amusement in tobacco, reading, cards, music, 
or the theatre 

Consider the well-to-do man in pursuit of recreation He has a 
club , he goes to his club every day , perhaps he gets whist there , 
very likely he belongs to one of the modern sepulchral places where 
the members do not know each other and every man glares at 
bis neighbour There is a bilhard-table in all clubs as well as a 
card-room Apslrt from cards and billiards the clubs recognize 
no form of recreation whatever There are not in any club that I 
know, except the Sayage, musical instruments if you were to 
propose to have a piano, and to sing at it, I suppose the uni- 
versal astonishment would be too great for words At the Arts, 

I believe, some of the members sometimes hang up pictures of 
their own for exhibition and criticism bul at no other club is there 
any recognition of Art There are libraries at two or thr^e clubs, 
but most have none In fact, the clubs which belong to gentle- ♦ 
men are organized as if there was no other occupation possible 



for ciTilized people in polite society, except dining, smokings reading 
papei^, or playing whist and billiards The working men who have 
recently established clubs of their own in imitation of the West-end 
clubs are said to be finding them so dull that, where they cannot turn 
them into political organizations, they have tolerated^the introduction 
of gambling When clubs were £rst established gambling was every- 
where the favourite recreation, so that the working men are only 
beginning where their predecessors began sixty years ago 

Of all the arts the average man, be he gentleman or mechanic, 
knows none He has never learned to play any instrument at all , 
he cannot use his voice in taking a part , he cannot paint, draw, 
carve in wood or ivory, use a lathe, or make anything that th§ wide 
world wants to use He cannot write poetry, or drama, or fiction , 
be is no orator , he plays no games of cards except whist, and no 
other games at all of any kind What can he do ^ He can practise 
the trade he has learned, by which he makes his money He knows 
how to convey property, how to buy and sell stock and shares, how 
to carry on business in the City This, if you please, is all he knows 
And when you propose that the working man shall have an opportu- 
nity of learning and practising Art in any of its multitudinous| 
varieties, he laughs derisively, because, which is a very natural and 
sensible thing to do, he puts himself in that man^s place, and he knows * ' 
that he would not be tempted to undergo the drudgery and the drill 
of learning one of the Arts, even did that Art appear to him in the 
form of a nymph more lovely than Helen of Troy 

The second objection belongs to the old order of prejudice It 
used to be assumed that there were two distinct orders of human 
beings , it was the privilege of the higher order to be maini^ained by 
the labour of the lower, for the higher order was reserved all the 
graces, refinements, and joys of this fleeting life The lower order 
were privileged to work for their betters, and to have, in the brief 
intervals between work and sleep, their own coarse enjoyments, 
which were not the same as those of the upper class, they were 
ordained by Providence to be different, not only in degree, but also 
in kind The privileges of the former class have received of late 
years many grievous knocks They have had to admit into their body, 
as capable of the higher social pleasures and of polite culture, an enor- 
mous accession of people who actually work for their own bread — even 
people in trade — and it is also beginning to Mg perceived that their 
amusements — even, which seems the last straw, their vices — can 
actually be enjoyed by the base mechanical sort, insomuch that, if this 
kind of thing goes on, there must in the end follow an effacement of 
all classes, and the peer will walk arm and arm with the blacksmith 
But class distinctions die hard, and the working men are not yet 
all ready for the disciplined recreation which will help to break down 
the bamers> and we may not look for this millennium withm the life- 



time of living men It is enough to note that the old feeling still 
lingers even among those who^ a hundred years ago, Mfhen class dis- 
tinctions were in their worst and most odious form, would have been 
ranked aqjiong those incapable of refinement and ignorant of polite 

The third objection, that the people should only be helped in the 
way of education and self-iraproveihent, is, at first sight, worthy of 
respect But it involves the theory that it is the duty of the work- 
ing man when he has done his day^s work to devote his evenings to 
more work of a harder kind There is a kind of hypocrisy in this 
feeling Why should the working man be fired with that 
ardour for knowledge which is not expected of ourselves ? I look 
lound among my own acquaintances and friends, and I declare that 
I do not know a single household, except where the head of it is a 
literary man, and therefore obliged to be always studying and 
learning, in which the members spend their evenings after the day’s 
work in the acquisition of new branches of learning One may go 
farther even of those who belong to the learned professions, few 
indeed there are who carry on their studies beyond the point where 
iheir knowledge has a marketable value The doctor learns his craft 
^as thoroughly as he can, and, after he has passed, reads no more 
/ than IS just necessary to keep his eyes open to new lights , the 
solicitor Knows enough law to carry on his business, and reads no, 
more As for the schoolmaster — who ever heard of a classical 
master reading any more Latin and Greek than he reads with the 
boys ^ and who ever heard of a mathematical master keeping up his 
knowledge of the higher branches, which put him among the 
wranglers of his year, but are not wanted in the school ^ Even the 
lads who have just begun to go into the City, and who know lery well 
that their value would be enormously increased by a practical and real 
knowledge of French, German, or shorthand, will not take the trouble 
to acquire it Yet, with the knowledge of all this, we expect the 
working man in his hours of leisure, and after a day physically 
exhausting, to sit down and work at something intellectual There 
are, without doubt, some men so strong and so avid of knowledge 
that they will do this, but these are not many, and they do not 
long remain working men 

The People’s Palace offers recreation to all who wish to fit them- 
selves for its practice and enjoyment But it is recreation of a kind 
which demands skill, patience, discipline, drill, and obedience to law 
Those who master any one of the Arts, the practice of which constitutes 
true recreation, have left once and for ever the lanks of disorder they 
belong, bv virtue of their aptitude and their education — say, by virtue 
of their Election — to the army of Law and Order Ihey will not, we 
may be sure, be recruited from those whom long years of labour and 
want of cultivation have rendered stiff of finger, slow of ear and of 



eye, impenetrable of brain We must get them from the boys and 
girls We must be content if the elders learn to take delight in the 
hand work which they cannot execute, the decorative work ^hich they 
can never hope wholly to understand, the music and singing* in which 
they themselves will never take a part 

But they will by no means be left out They will have the 
library, the writing and reading rooms, the conversation and smoking 
rooms, with those games of skill which are loved by all men 
There will be entertainments, concerts, and performances for 
them And for those who desire to learn, there will be classes, 
lectures, and lecturers At the same time, I do not, I confess, anti- 
cipate a rush of young working men to share in these joys and 
privileges This part of the Palace will grow and develop by degrees, 
because it is through the boys and girls that the real work and use- 
fulness of the Palace will be effected, and not by means of the men 
Of course, there will be from the outset a small proportion capitble 
of rightly using the place For all these reasons, it seems as if c 
may be very well contented that the recreation part of the scheme' 
has been for the moment kept in the background i 

II Let us turn to the educational side of the scheme ( 

When a lad has passed the standards — very likely a blight, 
clever little chap, who has passed the sixth and even the seventh 
standard with credit — it becomes necessary for him immediately 
to earn the greater part of his own living It is not in the power 
of his father, who lives from week to week, or even from day to day, 
to apprentice Ins boys and put them to a trade They must earn 
their living at once What are they to do ^ 

At the very age when these hoys have reached the point when 
the intellect, already partly trained, and the hand, not yet trained at 
all, should begin to work togethei, they are faced by the terrible 
fact — how terrible to them they little know — that they can be 
taught no trade They must go out into the world with a pair of 
unskilled hands, and nothing moic Consider A country lad 
learns every day something new, he learns continually by daily 
practice bow to use his hands and his strength , by the time he is 
eighteen he has become a very highly skilled agriculturist , he knows 
and can do a great many most useful and necessary things But the 
town lad, if he learns no trade, leains nothing He will never have 
any chance in life, he can never have any chance, he is fore- 
doomed to misery , he will all his life be a servant of the lowest 
kind , he Will never have the least independence , he will, in all 
probability, he one of those who wait day by day for the chance 
gifts of Luck At the best, he can but get into the railway service, 
or into some house of business where they want porters and ^carnerai 
There is, however, a great demand for boys, who can eatn fiye 
a week as shop hoys, errand boys, and so forth Our clever 



lad^ therefore^ who has done so well at school, becomes a fruiterer’s 
ladj cleans out the shop, carries round the baskets, and is generally 
useful , he gets a rise in a year or two, to seven shillings and six- 
pence , presently he is dismissed to make room for a younger boy 
who will take five shillings Shall we follow the lad farther ^ If 
he gets, as we hope he may, steady employment, we see him next, at 
the age of fifteen, marching about the streets in the evening with a 
girl of the same age to whom he makes love, and smoking ‘‘ fags,’’ or 
cigarettes There are thousands of such pairs to be seen everywhere , 
in Victoria Park on Sundays, or Hampstead Heath on Saturday 
evenings, every evening in the great thoroughfares — in Oxford Street 
as much as in Whitechapel, in the music-halls and in the public-houses 
You may seeithem sitting togethei on doorsteps as well as prome- 
nading the pavement If there is any way of spending the evenings 
more destructive of every good gift and useful quality of manhood and 
womanhood than this, I know not what it is The idleness and 
uselessness of it, the precocious abuse of tobacco, the premature ai|d 
forced development of the emotions which should belong to love at a 
later peiiod, the loss of such intellectual attainments as had already 
been acquired, the vacuous mind, the contentment to remain in the 
lower depths — ina word, the waste and wanton rnm of a life involved 
m such a youth, make the contemplation of this pair the most 
melancholy sight m the world The boy’s early cleverness is gone, 
the brightness has left his eyes, he reads no more, he has forgotten 
all he ever learned, he thinks only now of keeping his berth, if h&j 
has one, or of getting another if he has lost his last But there js 
worse to follow, for at eighteen he will mairy the little jsiip of a girl, 
and by the time she is hve-and-twenty, there will be half a dozen 
children born in po/erty and privation for a similar life of poverty 
and privation, and the hapless parents will have endured all that there 
IS to be endured from the evils of hunger, cold, starving children, and 
want of work 

This couple weic thrown together because they were left to them- 
selves and uncared for , they marry because they have nothing else 
to think about , they remain in misery because the husband knows no 
trade, and because, of mere hands unskilled and ignorant, there are 
already more than enough 

TChe Palace is going to take that boy out of the streets it is 
going to remove both from boy and girl the temptation — that of 
the idle hand — to go away and get married It will fill that lad's 
mind with thoughts and makes those hands deft and crafty 

In other words, the Palace will open a great technical school for 
all the trades as well as for all the arts It is reckoned that three 
years' training miihe evenings will give a boy a trade Once master 
of a tyade his future is assured, because somewhere m the worfd 
there is always a want of tradesmen of every kind There may be 



too many shoemakers in London while |hey are wanted in Queens- 
land , cabinet-makers and carpenters may be overcrowded here, but 
there are all the English speaking countries in the world to choose from 
There can be no doubt that the schools will be crowded The 
success of the schools at the old Polytechnic (where there are 8,000 
boys), of the Whittington Club, of the Finsbury Technical Schbols, 
leave no doubt possible that the East End Palace Schools will be 
crammed with eager learners The Palace is m the very heart and 
centre of East London, with its two millions, mostly working-men , 
trams, trains, and omnibuses make it accessible from every part of 
this vast city — from Bromley, Bow and Stratford, from Poplar, 
Stepney and Ratcliff, from Bethnal Green and Spitalfields Yet but 
two or three years more and there will be 20,000 boys and more 
flocking to those gates which shut out the Earthly Hell of ignorance, 
dependence, and poverty, and open the doors to the Earthly Paradise 
of skilled hands and drilled eye, and plenty and the dignity of man* 
hood Why, if it were only to stop these early marriages — if only for 
the sake of the poor child-ipother and the unborn children doomed, 
if they see the light, to life-long misery, one would shower upon the 
Palace all the money that is asked to complete it Think — with j 

every stone that is laid in its place, with every hour of work that 
each mason bestows upon its walls, there is another couple rescued, 
,one more lad made into a man, one more girl suffered to grow into 
a woman before she becomes a mother, one more humble househoid 
furnished with the means of a livelihood, one more unborn family 
rescued from the curse of hopeless poverty 

The remaining portions of the scheme, with its provision for women 
as well as men, its entertainments, its Unnersity extension lectures, 
reading-rooms, and schools of ait m all its blanches, can only be 
fully realized when the first generation of these boys has passed 
through the technical schools, and they have learned to look upon the 
Palace as their own, to consider its halls and cloisters the most 
delightful place in the world And what the Palace may then 
become, what a perennial fountain it may prove of all that makes 
for the purification and elevation of life, one would fain en- 
deavour to depict, but may not, for fear of the charge of extiava- 

III There is one other point which those who have lead the 
correspondence and comments upon the pioposed institution in the 
papers have noted with amusement rather than with astonishment 
It \s a point which comes out ” in everything that has been written 
on the scheme, except by the actual founders It is the profound 
distrust with which the more wealthy classes regard the working 
men — not the poor, so-called, but the working mqn They do not 
seem even to have begun trusting them they speak and think of 
them as if they were children in leading-stnngs , as if they were 



certain to accept with gratitude whatever gifts may be bestowed 
upon them^ even when they are safeguarded and carefully regulated 
as for mischievous boys, as if the working men were constantly 
looking for guidance to the class which has the money It is true 
that the working men arc always looking for guidance, just like the 
rest of us Lord, sena a leader * " It is the cry of all mankind in 
all ages But that the working men regard the pcojile who live in 
villas, and are genteel, as possessing more wisdom than themselves h 
by no means certain 

This feeling was, of course, most deeply marked when the great 
Drink Question arose, as it was bound to aiisc We have heard 
how meetings were called, and resolutions passed by worthy people 
against the admission of intoMcatiug drinks into the Palace At one 
of the meetings they had the audacity to pass a icsolution that 
East London will never be satisfied until intoxiicatiag drink of any 
kind is prohibited in the Palace ** East London * with its thousands 
of public-houses * Dear me * Then, if East Lonaon x>as8cd such a 
resolution, its hypocrisy surpasses the hypocrisy of the Sciibes and 
Pharisees If, however, a little knot of people choose to call them- 
I selves East London, or Babvlon, or Rome, andlo pass resolutions in 
(the name of those cities, wc can accept their resolutions for what 
they arc worth Whether the working man will adopt them and 
p^t them into pi act ice is another matter altogether 

Let us remember, and constantly bear m mind, that the Palace is 
to be governed by the people for themhche^f If it is not, better fqfr 
East London that it had never been erected Whatever we do or re- 
solve IS, in fact, subject to the will of the governing body As for passing 
a resolution on dunk for the Palace, wc might just as well resolve 
that drink shall not be sold to the members of the House of 
Commons, and expect them instantly to close their cellars If 
the governing body wish to have drink in the Palace they will have it, 
whether we like it or not But it shows the profound distrust of the 
people that these restrictions should be attempted and these resolu- 
tions passed For my own part, considering the needlessness of 
dnnk in such a place, the abundant facilities provided outside, 
and the enormous additional trouble, danger, and expend entailed 
by lotting drink be sold in a place where there will be every evening 
thousands of young people, I am quite sure that the governing body — 
that IS to say, the chosen representatues of East London — will never 
admit it within their wails 

We do not trust the working man We have given over to him 
the whole of the power All the power there is we have given to 
him, because he stands m enormous majoiity We have made 
him absolute master of this realm of Great Britain and Ireland 
What could we do more for a man whom we blindly and implicitly 
trusted ? Yet the working man, for whom we have done so much, 
we have not yet begun to trust Walter Besart 

VOL n 



E arly tins winter I was a whole month in Kerry, not interview- 
ing only, but living with people of all sorts May I venture 
to state, as the net result of my observations, my belief that moon- 
lighting lb partly a survival of the old secret societies , that for the 
most part the Kerry peasants really cannot pay their rents , that in 
Kerry the League has always been weak and ill-organized, and that 
this accounts foi the cruel way m which boycotting has there, moi»e 
than elsewhere, been used for private ends ^ I found, moreover, i 
(though I had been assured of the contrary) that in Kerry the vast 
majonty, including nearly all the intellect that is not by fancied 
self interest drawn the other way, goes m stiongly for Home Rule 
I satisfied myself, loo, that in no part of the county have the tenants 
been spending all their money on meat and drink and dress , 
that Communist ideas are unknown among them , and that their 
reverence for the Catholic Church is unabated I noticed the wide- 
spread disappointment that through legal technicalities the Land 
Acts have often failed to give protection to those who most needed 
and deserved it I saw that where a landlord treats his tenants as 
human beings he seldom fails to keep in touch with them , and I 
marked the old grievance, that, instead of having to deal with a 
sympathetic chief, the peasant too often finds himself at grips with 
the sharpest of chicaning lawyers, and that this is a sadly demoraliz- 
ing experience * I saw, too, what I had, years ago, seen in Donegal, 
men, who had improved a barren mountain-side, carrying up earth on 
their backs, bringing sea-sand and ore-weed a day^s journey because 
no lime was to be had, turned out because, owing to this unexampled 

* “ Sure, I’ll get twelve months out of it for nothing,” replied one who was remon 
strated witli for offering an impossible rent for the farm of a neighbour who had 
emigrated One would like to know what \alae would be put on such a knave’s 
interest m his holding ’ 



drop m prices, they had got behind m their rents I heard their not 
unnatural murmurs and the equally natural complaints of the land- 
lords, who, themselves sore pressed, often cannot, if they would, abate 
their claims unless helped by some sort of tabular nov(B ^ 

Now, a good deal of this is so true of Ireland in general that I 
sometimes asked myself Have I found anything exceptional in 
Kerry, anything that may help to explain what so mortified us lai^t 
summer ^ For Kerry then did mortify us a good deal, and no 
wonder, she was working hard to discredit the Irish oausc The 
rest of Ireland was perfectly quiet till Lord Randolph's chivalry 
began to charge in Belfast Even the American irreconcilables had 
at last come to feel that violence was not only a crime, but the very 
worst of blunders Common sense said " Do nothing that can 
check England's growing sympathy The League and its organs kept 
urging Irishmen, as they loved their country, to give no possible 
occasion of reproach , to remember how the English Press always 
takes a pait for the whole, and attiibutes to the nation at large some 
purely local misconduct *^Be quiet was the mot (Pordre , but 
Kerry would not obey News came of outrage after outrage, making 
the friends of Ireland silent for very shame, and giving edge to such 
Jaunts as that of the St Stephen's Review The Irish race is hope- 
lessly bad They have not, nevei have had, and never will have, the 
esbcj tial attributes of a civilized human being It was unaccount* ' 
a^le. too, aswrell as mortifying When last there had been (all 
Ireland over) an aggravated outbreak of crime, all the foremost/ 
men of the Irish party were in gaol Had they been frde (wc were 
assured) the agitation would have been kept within lawful bounds 
Now the chiefs were all at their posts in and out of Parliament 
Every one was full of hope, and that hope was felt to depend largely 
on order being maintained 

Nor did the outrages cease when the elections, on which they told 
so fatally, were over They were even brought into greater pro- 
minence by an alarming flight of newspaper correspondents 
Interviewing became in Kerry an actual nuisance A pnest, m 
other respects most courteously communicative, began at once 

Delighted to see you , but one stipulation in hmine — no politics ^ 

I don^t know whethci you mean to write anything , but we\e had 

* I had never realized so fully how the position of the small Irish landlord resembles 
that of the old Roman freeholder He is broken down with mortgages as the other 
was with interest, and often without fault of his own On this point Mr S Hussey, the 
most prominent agent in Kerry, himself a landlord, wntes to me ** Moderate couasels on 

both ^des would doubtless prexail if Goa ernment would reduhe their charges on estates, 
and if mortgagees would consent to take, while the crisis lasts, the same interest they 
would get in tne funds ’’ Ihis is worth considering no sane man can wish to get nd 
of a whole class , landlordism, not landlords, is what the League is striking at It is 
you,” said a non Nationalist pnest, “who are dnving out the landlords— you who 
gave thirty millions to West Indian slave owners, and can’t spare one poor million for 



sncli a succession of these gentlemen And of one of them (Mr 
Verschoyle of the Fortnightly) Father O^Leary, of Ballymacelligott, 
says he must have clean forgotten their conveisation, so contrary to 
fact IS the version given in his article So obliged to bar politics 
altogether " 

To us at home all this contradictory evidence about^ things so far 
off became painfully puzzling We forgot that correspondents are but 
human creatures , that a man^s notion of the situation depends 
on his point of view — i e , on those to whom he is consigned, or into 
whose hands he falls , that these writers travelled rapidly through a 
country of which till then several of them knew absolutely nothing , 
and that some at least were sent out to support a foregone con- 
clusion In the multitude of counsellors (for every one of them had 
his nosU um) there certainly was not wisdom , and, as there must 
be something exceptional in Kerry — for was not Government taking 
the very exceptional step of sending out Sir R Buller ^ — many of us 
longed to know what this something was 

I was going northward, hoping to get pprsonal assurance of 
what my Protestant Home Rule friends constantly assert, that, despite 
all the bluster and bloodshed, Protestant Ulster will come 
and, taking the right hand of fellowship so frankly offered, will herself, 
beeomc the right hand of a Home Rule administration Go to \ 
Kerry said my friends, and try to find out the truth " I did ^ 
not relish the task , I knew how hard it would be Nevertheless^ I 
flung aside the false modesty of shirking what so many had failed 
m, and went, not for the first time, to the old county palatine, deter- 
mining to be thorough and thoroughly fair, not to find what I brought, 
but what was actually there 

I knew there would be at least two sides to the question — good * 
landlords and scampish tenants and agents honestly striving to make 
the best of a hopelessly bad system , as well as harsh landlords and 
oppressed tenants and wicked agents tyrannizing over both I 
knew that in the bad old times (which in parts of Kerry lasted on 
till 1870) plenty of tenants did not dare to whitewash {heir cottages 
lest such a sign of prosperity should bring a rise of rent I 
knew that Orange magistrates would sometimes have shots fired 
through their own shutters in order to get their districts pro- 
claimed^^, just as I was now told that Kerry emergency men 
occasionally hack in pieces their own cattle, and " find ” (as one of 
them expressed it) the Presentment Sessions a better market than 
any fair in the county " 

* Sec some striking remarks at the Tralee besHions by Air D C Coltsman, senr , T P 
of Killarney “ One of the oldest Holicitors m the county assures me, and my own 
ample experience agrees with his, ihat many of these * malicious injury* cases are 
trumped up^ and that many men who meet with disaster think they ve only to put 
everything on the county or barony in order to get paid for it Most searching inquiry 



I knew, on the other hand, that too oftqn a well-meaning landlord, 
failing onlv m tact, had been thwarted — a dead set made against him, 
in which those joined who really loved him, and hated what they were 
compelled to do I had known men thus discouraged till they sank 
into apathy or left the country In fact, much reading and thought 
and personal acquaintance with Ireland, gave me a sort of right to go 
and try to form a true judgment about Keiry 

A stranger on such a mission is handicapped by having so 
much to learn all at once For one thing, he must guard against 
being too much moved by externals, such as the hoptless-looking 
dreanness of the bogland, so much drearier than Lord Beaconsfield^s 
"melcincholy ocean” Nor must he forget that tlie lush peasant 
often appears poorer than he is, that (owing to the same cause 
which lessened the use of whitewash, and which it will take years of 
Home Rule — ^ e , of manly independent feeling — to eradicate) a man 
for whose whole suit a Houndsditch Jew would not give \s bd may 
be able to fortune his daughter with a hundred, or maybe a brace 
of hundreds ” He must bear lu mind that squalor in an Irish 
hovel does not necessarily imply that total destitution with which in 
England we are accustomed to associate it Even m Cornwall and 
^North Devon, moorstonc cottages look very dejected ” unless they 
^arc lime-washed, and in many parts of Kerry, lime (having to be 
f\ ( hed a score or more of Irish miles) is far too precious to be spent 
on decoration 

TV ell, talking much with puests, Protestant clergymen, landlords/ 
agents. Government officials, doctors, tradesmen, tenant" farmers , Jet- 
ting every man say his say, not adopting the intei viewers delusive 
plan of putting leading questions , I got together quite a chaos of 
conflicting statements, out of which I am certainly not vain enough 
to think I have succeeded in building a continuous foundation of 
solid truth But I do claim to have cleared awav a few delusions, 
and to have convinced myself at least of two or three facts 

One delusion is, that the National League keeps up the reigu of 
terror, and that therefore to suppress it is the first step towards restor- 
ing order (see the Tory press, passim) On the contrafy, f found even 
non-leaguers m Kerry testifying that the League has worked hard to 
keep its outlying branches in order At Tratee, Archdeacon Orpen 
told me of the attempt to boy cot the sports, because landloids as 
well as others took part in them “ The Harringtons,” he remarked, 
" behaved very well ^ (Mr T Harrington, M P , is League Secretary) 

'' They at once came forward and said These sports must not be 
meddled with, or the Tralee branch will be dissolved” Lately^ 
again, some very foolish Leaguers at Glin boycotted the White Star 

M needed into these claims on account of malicious injury ’ (Cork hrammery Nov 17) 
This 18 very imf^ortant, followed as it was by a wiMiaual oj claims by Mr iS Hussey 
and others 



steamers because they are built at Belfast This Vfns made a great 
deal of in the English papers , but none of them, I fear, had the 
candour to publish the stern rebuke sent by Mr T Harrington to 
Father Malone, president of the Glm branch Rescind that ridicu- 
lous and harmful resolution, or I will dissolve you at once 

" Ah ! but the League works by boycotting, and that is the 
unpardonable sin^^ No doubt it docs when driven to do so 
Rightly or wrongly, it laid down the rule No one may take a 
farm the evicted tenant of which was really unable to pay It 
said in fact Pay your rent if you can , if you cannot, we will 
try to prevent the land, tn which the Act oflS70recoffmzes your part 
ownership^ from passing into other hands Thus boycotting is the 
defence against land-grabbing, a practice which completely destroys 
the hope of any effectual land settlement If the evicting landlord 
could always get a fresh tenant on his own terms, Land Com- 
missioners might proclaim till doomsday that the rents fixed m the 
good times had now become monstrously impossible And how in- 
veterate this piactice was in Kerry, an Englishman can form no con- 
ception On the rich lands round Lixnaw, for instance, I was assured 
that a farmer would pay any fine (of course out of bon owed money) 
and offer any rent, in order to edge out another, and so save his son 
from going to Ameiica Landlords and agents must have been morc^ 
than human to always stand against such temptation A landlord got ^ 
a letter from one of his tenants, saying that a fellow-tenant was weak,^^ 
and offering £400 down to be let into his farm as soon as he should be 
broke The landlord leplied, the man had been long on the land, 
and he would try to help him through , and before long, he heard of 
that very writer denouncing at a League meeting the tyianny of land- 
lords and the iniquity of land-grabbing Fve often, he said, " been 
tempted to publish his letter, only he'd be shot if I did This 
shows what land-grabbing was in Kerry , and this explains why 
the hatred of men on strike against knobsticks is nothing to 
what an Irish farmer feels when he is ousted by a neighbour 
The knobstick takes away the strikers hope of bringing his 
employer to terms , but the land-grabber enables the landlord to 
drive with his tenant^ a harder bargain than before, or else to put 
him out of land of which perhaps his father’s and grandfather’s 
labour has paid the fee-simple ten times over * Right or wrong, 
the attitude of the League to the land-grabber is that which, in the 
old days of re^rating, the English public would tfave assumed towards 
one who, while the whole community was trying to bring down the 

« ^ How different are the conditions of fanning in the two countries can only he under 
stood after seeing for one’s self In Fngland the farmer has his ** plant ” (a farm m 
good working order) found for Inm, and simply has to keep that up to the mark In the 
vast majonty of cases in Ireland he makeH hu own **plaHty” and therefore feels himself 
mrt owner of what is his own creation Hence the righteousness of Gladstone’s 



price of com^ went and purchased at the rate which by universal 
consent had been ruled to be excessive ^^The landlord has the 
monopoly of a necessary of life His price is too high , we can^t give 
it , and, if we hold together, he^l be obliged to yield But if, when- 
ever he has come down on one of us, there is always a traitor ready 
to take the suflferei^s place, we canH help being beaten That> I 
think, does not misrepicscnt the aspect of boycotting as seen with 
Land Lcagueis^eyes, and, I take it, even the moonlighters^ action, so 
long as they kept within the law and confined themselves to frightening 
would-be land-grabbers, was along the lines of, and not unacceptable 
to, though never in concert with, the League Tolerated as a sort of 
half-ally, the moonlighter quickly began to woik on his own account , 
and the fact that sham moonlighters were soon in the field — mere 
burglars and highwaymen, scamps of all sorts — proves that even in 
Kerry, the land of survivals, a secret society was becoming an 

Boycotting, then, has no necessary connection with moonlighting , 
it IS the refusal to have anything to do with him who, m a life- 
and-death struggle, makes a gap for the enemy They claim New 
Testament warrant for it ^^With such an one, no not even to 
.eat To those who take the purely commercial view of land-renting 
\he whole thing seems as monstrous as if one should say You 
bua'n^t lent a bankrupt's shop If he was not a fraudulent bankrupt, 
it must lie empty But in the Irish peasant’s view land renting' 
has never been a purely commercial transaction , and since 1870 the 
law has supported him in his view Well, in almost every case of 
eviction the landlord is setting at nought the peasant’s claim to part 
ownership Of old he did it defiantly, as when thousands of famine- 
stricken families were cleared out under circumstances which 

called out the deepest abhorrence m the House of Commons^' 
(Spencer Walpole, History of England,^’ vol iv p 350 ) Now, when 
General BuUer will allow him, he does it by subtlety, often able, 
thanks to clever legal advice, to take advantage of something in the 
Acf^ But, even without such extra sharp practice, the evicted 
tenant is badly off enough No doubt he has his inteiest," but 
who IS tohuy it^ The landloid puts it up at^a sale wheie there 
are no bidders, and buys it in for a few shillings f It is a fright- 
ful deadlock You must have seen men who have been out ” three 
and four years, looking on as the Land Corporation cattle graze on 

* This was written last December , alas * things arc changed now “ Since General 
Bailer went to Dublin/* writes an eye witness, sending me an account of the Glenbcigh 
clearance, ** the dogs arc let loose upon us Ihose marvellous cross examinations 
showed why such clearances were not sooner made 

+ Would it not atop evictions if, instead of having power to sell the tenant’s interest, 
the landlord was compelled to take it at a Government valuation, recoupmg himself 
from the next tenant, and after deducting his arrears, to pay over the residue to the 
outgoer ^ 



pastures winch they feel partly belong to them , you must have talked 
with them, and heard their story and marked their privations pictured 
in their own and their children's faces, to realize how frightful 

Could they pay ? Look at them, and you'll not ask that ques- 
tion What IS the remedy, seeing that at present prices even ludicial 
rents have become impossible^ A Commission of practical men, 
in whom both parties will have confidence (including, therefore, the 
best Nationalist lawyers) ^ But this is a work of time, and as 
mortgagees can't wait, the League's pioposal of a 25 p c reduc- 
tion would suit most landlords much better, unless Government will 
step in and help the landlords with a loan As Archbishop Walsh ex- 
plained it, it IS one of the two partners rcvdluiiig the joint property 
because the other refuses to do so * At any rate, it is more logical 
than Sir M Hicks Beaches haphazard wav of putting pressure within 
the limits of the law on such landlords as have not granted concessions 
For you cannot equalize your pressure Some landlords will jield, 
otheis (and those the worst) will resist, and force you against your will 
to help them in exacting their pound of flesh, even though (happily) 
henceforth the police will not be allowed to act as sherifts' men, 
marking and pointing out the houses where notices arc to be served, 
but^will have to be strictly neutral 

I met all kinds of landlords The well meaning, easy-going 
man, who has let things slide,^' and whose aim on Grand Jury 
and Board of Guardians has been how not to do it , who 
has allowed his harbour to become useless for want of a little 
dredging, and who resists the drainage of his town because it 
will cost money, such men are at last thoroughly roused, but 
thev don't seem to have an idea what to do They stay at home 
and content themselves with grand phrases "It's a complete social 
levolution, sir," said one of them to me, "nothing less And the 
onlv difference between it and 1793 is, that I don't suppose they^ll cut 

* Trades unions made trade strikes peacealde , the T eague tried to do the same for the 
strike of tinants — i strike, remtmher, uhich th< Comniissioneis admitted was justified 
by the enormous fall in prices, and m which all the best of the masters have come round 
to the men s terms , for that is what the reductions of I ords I ansdowne and FitzivUliam 
and the Duke of DiAonshire mean If the Duke feels 25 per cent allowance is 
n^ded on some of the best land in Ireland, and that on the back of manypieMOua 
reductions what must lie needed on a Kerry mountain estate of which the rents haae 
MwajrS been kept screwed up to breaking point / “ Why don’t they pay their rents or 
go asks for the thousandth time tlie hnglish reader with the linauciers’ organ in his 
hand Yes, but they can t pay , Land Commissioner Mahony speaks as stron^y as man 
can on that point , and as for going, wliy did we pass the I and Acts but because we felt 
that in such a case it is cruelly unfair to make them go ’ I saw a farm close to the 
KiUarney Black Valley— -well known to tourists — every held fenced with its own 
stones of which, too, each had a huge pile in its centre An hour before my aisit the 
man had been evicted “ We’ve ha<l it, he said, “ foi three generations, and when iny 
grandfather tame, it was all like that,’ ])ointing to a patch of rushes and boulders Had 
not tins man “an interest in his holding Ought he to be ruined because young stock 
(his specialty) is down to a third its price ^ 

t This again has been wholly changed since Chief Baron Palles insisted that every 
olficial high or low, should carry out the stnet letter of the law, thereby unconsciously 
doing his utmost to make the repeal of such a scandalous law inevitable 



our heads off " " Revolution or not,” I replied, why don^t you, 

as Mr Butt long ago besought you to do, put yourselves at the head 
of it ^ Why did not the O’Connell of Derrynane do so instead of 
sickening people by first posing as a Home Ruler and then as a so- 
^ called Unionist, and then wanting to stait as a Home Ruler again ^ 
Ttou are all of you dreadfully sore because a lot of skalawags (as you 
politely call them) have got hold of the reins But isn^t it partly jour 
own fault ? A landlord who should even now throw in his lot with the 
people would soon be king of Kerry ” There arc the good working land- 
lords I met one who has always acted on his father^s plan of never 
raising i exits, and to whom his tenants appeal as to a father * A fiiend of 
his remarked sadly It^s beautiful, and I don’t like to say a word against 
it , but it’s not the system under which people grow up with plenty of 
backbone ” Then there is the effusively polite gentleman, who neverthe- 
less has not only the hard bite, but the fcrrct-likc keenness of the 
typical attorney Such an one assured me, in the suavest tones, that the 
League M P *s arc a set of swindlers, keeping up the agitation for the 
sake of their £300 a year, and answeiable for all the tenants’ un- 
reasonableness \\ hen I mentioned Mr Gladstone he foigot him- 
self His previous manner had certainly not prepared me for the con- 
centrated fury with which he cried Please, don’t mention that man 
I look on him as one who would betray his Maker lor the sake of 
office ” And yet he was obliged to confess From all I can see, 
the Tones arc going to treat us shamefully You hear what I think 
of Mr Gladstone , yet I’d almost wish Ins set m again Last 
spring the sheriff could make a seizure , but now, thanks to this 
General, that’s come to be almost impossible The only thing for us 
18 to sell as fast as we can and as high as we can, and clear out of the 
accursed country altogether ” 

Then there is the man whose grievances have driven him almost 
frantic, and who therefore does not even try to cloak that outrageous 
caste-pride which is to a great extent the cause of moonlighting 
Not wholly moonlighting, like most other phenomena, depends on 
several causes There was the old secret society machinery There 
Was the raw material, too Rents m all Kerry, save in a few rich 
patches, were never paid out of the land, but either with money from 
America, oi with the wages of boys and girls out at service Since 
the depression began, the richer farmers had been shortening liands, 
and so Kerry had got full of headstrong idle lads, easily led away by re- 

* Such appeals must sometimes be embarrassing A man from another county was told 
off to shoot the most unpopular agent Kerry, and was directed to stay with, let ns 
call him, Mike feiigrue By some blunder he went tolim Sugrue instead lim*s land 
lord was one of the >ery few who are m touch with their i)eopIe so, as soon as Tim 
had learnt the stranger s business, he went straight to the big house and asked advice 
“ Tell him he*8 known,” said the wise J P “ The thiu^ is safe with me , but let bim 
be sure that if ever he shows himself m the barony he 11 te laid by the heels inaianter ” 
The would be murderer went off, and the agent’s life has never been attempted since 



turned Americans, old Phoenix men, and such like It was an immense 
temptation There were no sports — the very useful Gaelic athletic 
clubs had not got down so far — nothing but the dancing Young 
folks had grown ashamed of the old hreside legends, and yet did 
not care for reading There was the charm of a quasi-military organiza- , 
tion, and the greater because forbidden charm of something secret 
Besides, every Irish youth at any rate thinks he can help to set the ^ 
world right The spirit of the knight-errant, " who rides about 
redressing human wrong,” is strong in him , and land grabbing 
was, from a Kerry lad^s point of view, a clear case of wrong 
^‘We^ll give them a hint,” thought many a young enthusiast, 
"about standing shoulder to shoulder, instead of going behind 
one another's backs ” " Ah, but what would wc have done 

without our night boys said a Ke’^ry cotticr^s daughter to a 
lady who was visiting hei in a Dublin hospital She meant that 
but for them the cottiers would have been like a flock of sheep, out 
of which the butcher unresisted singles what he wants This general 
sympathy with the moonlighters (until the whole thing turned to 
mere brigandage) is due to the fact (which I assume not from the 
talk of tenants, but from the deliberate opinion of Land Com- 
missioners, local and m Dublin) that almost all Kerry is immensely 
over-rented Rent really could not be paid I saw this on some of 
Lord Ormathwaite^s land, where the hunger-sickness was plain in the 
children's faces, and where the hunted look of the men, e\icted or 
not, bespoke the se\crc nerve strain that had so long been on them 
I saw it on the Wilson Gunn property, near Ballybunion (and let 
those who have been told that in North K( riy, at any rate, the 
farmers are fat and feed well, remember that both these are in the 
northern division , while Castle Island, the centre of outrages, is in 
the eastern) I saw it at Glenbeigh, where heretofore rents were 
wholly paid with children's earnings * I saw it on the rich lands, where 
the landlord has been, heretofore too often, met by a bank bill And 
now, as one of the chief men in Listowcl piteously told me, " there^s no 
ciedit at the bank and none at the shops , and if things don^t soon gpt 
settled, wc*ll be destroyed heyond power of recovery ” Here, then, 
was a wrong, which the moonlighter tried a disastrous way of righting f 
" Feudalism,” too, as wc call it, has lingered long in Keiry One 

* This was, as I said, written last December I am glad to find even so called Unionist 
correspondents corroborating the fact that, till the depression, the Olenbeigh rents were 
regularly paid 

T Spite does undoubtedly sometimes mingle with the landlord’s calculations about evict 
mg , he knows he will lose by it “ hand over hand,’* and yet he does it A high ofiicial told 
luethat in regard to onepr(>pert^ ho had hopcs»of a settlement, because the tiusteewasa 
hard headed mon^ lender, not likely to be moved to unprofitable liarsbnees by personal 
considerations What a state of things does such a ground of hope m a fair minded 
Lngli&hman rcaeal Spite comes in everywhere At Kenmare, Lord Lansdowne’s 
subscription to the Diocesan Education lund was withheld till the names of those who 
had the audacity to form a committee for welcoming Lord Aberdeen were gii en to the 



lajidlord will say Why shouldn't they live on potatoes and skim- 
milk ^ It's their proper food, of course Another Yellow 

meal all the year round ? Yes, and let them be thankful they've 
got it " In Kerry the squireens, exceptionally numerous, have been 
exceptionally ovcrbe&ing And where a coarse contempt for men’s 
and women's feelings has longest prevailed, there the reaction, 
when it comes, is always fiercest How astonished Arthur Young 
was at the treatment which the small gentry, the vermin of the 
country,*' gave their serfs , and in Kerry such treatment was the rule 
till yesterday Ah, but m Kerry there are many Catholic land- 
lords " True , and among them some of the worst The influence 
of religion has been naught compared with that of class pride 
Among a people, then, over whom domineered a privileged horde 
of squireens, shoneeriSy petite noblesse^ whose hold on the machinery 
of administration made the law a mere instrument of tyrannv,'*^ 
there must always have been a remnant of desperate men, with hearts 
sore and consciences darkened, and feelings like those of many 
Krenchmen on the eve of the old Kcvolution Hence the hold that 
moonlighting took on certain districts Whercvei men were most 
downtrodden, and rack-renting severest, and the disiegard for the 
cry of the poor most cynical, there had always smouldered 
llibbonism, Whiteboyism, some form of that protean Vdinigenchti 
which strove, too often by unmanly methods, to keep alive a flicker 
of manly independence 

And now for a few more delusions Fust, Separatism — almost 
unfair name , for to link hand lovingly in hand is surely not to 
separate Among Kerry Fenians, if anywhere, I expected to find 
real Separatists , no, they have come to sec the folly of it They 
want good markets , they want to be freed from the Cork butter ring 
Their view is that of the farmer who said — Tf a fellow came here 
preaching Separation, I and my sons would pretty soon hand him over 
to the nearest police sergeant " The trust in England, in hei sympathy, 
as well as m her earnest wish to do nght, was very touching 

We'll get justice now that Englishmen are coming over and seeing 
for thehaselves, and telling the people over there the truth about 
us " — that I heard a score of times t froui people who had no idea 
that I was going to wiite 

* aaid Mr Goschen at Liverpool, “ \of iJte priithtfcof om I^pldud 

IB what she is because (unhappily) till yesterday, the Vscetidancy were suit, administrators 
of the Law, sole arbiters of justice 

t With Separatism I may class disloyalty Are Lord Si)enctr and Lord Aberdeen 
disloyal ’ To me Lord Spencer’s frank and thorough chinge, because at last he came to 
recognize the power of the national sentiment, is one of the noblest things in modern 

S ohtical life Even the \ilc slander which alleged “ reasons ’ for Mr Gladstone’s change 
id not dare to meddle with the man who (as I saw him in the autumn of 1 882) had 
stood fearless against the roar of a whole people Think, you who lightly talk of dis 
loyalty m connection with Home Rule, that the same man is as unJliiiehing now m 
what we Insh know to be the rmhteous cause And there is no more loyal set of men 
in these islands than the Kerry Home Rulers 


Next delusion, that under Home Eule the Protestants will be 
molested Tins is urged by the very men who assure us that the 
priests have quite lost Jheir hold on the peasantry , from whom, 
then, IS the danger to be feared — from the pea8a|j^ts, who will have got 
what they want, and whose interest it will be to keep right with 
their chief customers, the English, or from the piiests, who, we are 
told, have wholly lost the initiative ’ Nevertheless, I know this is a real 
fear in many otherwise intelligent English minds , only the other day 
an old college friend wrote “ I was in favour of Home Eule long 
ago, but my difficulty is, will the Pi otatantb be left in peace?" 
Perhaps you say, “ Look at 1641 , " forgetting that 1641 was a 
Land war , that the interlopers were Protestants was an accident 
The world, too, has moved on since 1611 , the most bigoted 
Protestant would not now, I hope, spit lush Catholic babes on 
his pike, “ lest nits to lice should giow,” yet that is what "the 
saints ” did who thought that God had given them the lush land to 
inherit Intolerance u as on all sides a virtue then , if any in Ireland 
still so account it, they are ceitainly not the Catholics It has 
been shown ad nauseam hou, while Ilelfast keeps Catholics out of 
all her offices of tiust and emolument, Cork, Watcrfbid, See , bestow 
them on Protestants in a proportion enormously greater than that 
of the respective religious populations The same in Ken y , in 
Tralee the Catholics arc to the Protestants as ten to one , yet of 
the twenty-one Town Commissioners chosen by popular vote, 
seven *are Protestants Read Alfred "Vt ebb’s valuable pamphlet,"® 
" Opinions of some Protestants as to their probable condition under 
Home Rule , " better still, go and live in a strictly Catholic part 
of Ireland, and see how you will bo treated I fearlessly assert 
that in Kerry a Protestant has always received marked respect, 
unless he took to proselytising The rector of Killarney said to 
me " I’m not a Home Euler I’ve done many things (promoting 
emigration, &c ) not likely to make me popular Yet all through 
this bad time I’ve never locked my hall-door at night A man 
who IS not mixed up with land has nothing to fear ” The_^ rector 
of Tralee keeps quite aloof from politics, yet he and the Catholic 
dean pull heartily together in every effort for the good of the town 
At far-off Cahircivecn it is the same Ask Canon Brosnau, the parish 
pneql: , ask Mr O’Halloran, the rector The former humorously told 
me how astonished the Dublin Castle folks were to see priest and parson 
coming arm in arm to plead with Sir M Beach for a railway from 
Kilorglin “ They looked at us as if we’d dropped from the moon , 
but I think,” he added, “we favourably impressed the Chief Secretary" 
Is not it an insult to human nature to imagine that cultured gentle< 

* Five and tw enty yf^ars Hter they were hanging men and women Quakers la 
Boston, U S» 



men, who have been working as brothers with their Protestant 
brethren,^Will all at once be turned into persecuting dcmonSj because 
the Protestant Mr Parnell and his friends are transferred from St 
Stephen's to College Green ? 

Alas ^ there has been active ill-feeling, but on the other nde * 
Two clergymen in the south have been so boycotted by in- 
fluential members of their flocks that their incomes have suffered 
severely The curate of Donnybrook, too, expressed those National- 
ist sentiments which, happily, many young T C D men share with 
Professor Galbraith , pressure was put on his rector, and he was 
dismissed True, the shop out of which the rector of Ventry evicted 
a blacksmith for joining the League was boycotted , I saw it closed 
and padlocked But the same would have happened to the priest 
had he acted in the same way The only other case that I could 
fand (and 1 searched much) in which a Protestant clergyman was 
concerned, was that of the llev Mr Fitzmorris of Listowcl, a 
thorough Nationalist I cite it to prove that, despite all efforts at 
headquarters, boycotting has too often been used for revenge or spite, 
instead of being confined to what the League deems its legitimate 
object I believe things were thus — pillar at Mr Fitzmorris^s 
gate was knocked over The police were told, and (such small mis- 
deeds being so much more severely visited there than here) several 
neople were imprisoned , among them a man who (everybody said) 
was away at the time When this man got free, he went home, 
l^oured in mind, and in a rage filed off a gun, and a child was shot 
The punishment which followed was somehow connected with Mr 
Fitzmorris , and his hay was boycotted " I went at once and 
bought some of said Father Dan Harrington, l^nncipal of St 
^ MichaePs College, Listowel And I told them,” he added, that 
wasn^t the way to treat our friends So the boycotting came to an 
end ” Here is a parallel to that miserable Curtin case, the aggra 
vated horror of which makes a calm judgment almost impossible 
Like Mr Fitzmoriis, Mr Curtin was a Nationalist, president of the 
local branch The moonlighteis who attacked him were no more 
League police than were the boycotters of Mr Fitzmorris , and the 
savage boycotting of the Curtin family which followed was to punish 
them for informing There had already been life for life, and that 
(in moonlighters^ ethic*') should have sufficed 

One strong argument for Home Rule is the number and zeal of the 

* In the land war Protestants and Catholics stand snoulderto shoulder Harsh 
agents are said to come down with extra harshness on Piotestant tenants , they don^t 
lilce their sturdier mdej^endence I was told of a Trilee man cMcttd quite early in the 
fight He was foreman at Messrs ilevington^s tweed mill (that oasis in the desert of 
dead manufactures) His masters kept him on, and his Catholic neighbours kept his 
farm empty, and 'when he was let back at a great reduction all those neighbours came, 
and with much rejoicing ploughed and sowed his land for him A Protestant is the more 
respected the more farmly he hulds what he professes to bclic\ c 



Protestant cleigy who have gone mfor it Priests, we arm told, don^t 
count, for they must follow their flocks , an assertion whic% betrays a 
comically invincible ignorance * Then there are the doctors the 
schoolmasters, the commercial travellers and the shopkeepeA almost 
to a man ^ Ny 

I shall never forget one of the largest shopkeepers in KilH^*^®y* 
a shrewd man too, for he told me how cleverly he had recovered 
debt Somebody came in who never would pay me even a singfe 
instalment, so I began talking to him about this General 
good man,’ said I, ' and come to help the shopkeepers as well as the 
landlords , and, as they say he does it cheap, I think Fll get him 
to help me^ The fellow went out, and in the evening he re- 
appeared, and said, quite casually, ^ I think I owe you something ^ 

‘ Do you ? ^ said I , ^ well, 1*11 get the books and look ^ ^ Oh, you needn't 
do that , it's C2 13« , and here, Pve brought it, and that you’ll find 
clears me ' So you see," he added, I've good reason for praising 
General Buller " But about Home Rule ? " I asked I'm told 
that down here in Kerry they'd kick it aside at once if they only got 
a good Land Bill '' Don't you believe it, sir,'* he broke out, with that 

tear m his voice " which one only hears in the South-west Look 
at me , I've grown up, and I’ve grown old, longing for it And we 
all long for it" The same with a faimer, one of Sir W Petty's 
Protestants, near Kenmaic We sent up eighty- six members, not to 
argue about Home Rule, but to get it for us Do you think the 
Israelites didn't want the Promised Land ^ And that's our Promise^ 
Land , and you knov/, sii, who is the Moses and Joshua in one that'll 
be preserved to guide us into it"t Meie sentiment, you say , but 
sentiment counts Why, misguided sentiment, helped by the narrow 

■* My rdigjon enjoins chanty said a devout Catholic layman, “ and boycotting seems 
to be a want of charity Uut sometimes wc must pre^ ent a man from injurmg others 
“ I’ve grown up among this,” said a Catliolic dignitary, iiol a leaguer , “the people 
ha\ e aH ays been suffering bccaubc you in England don t understand things Wc priests 
try to mediate and when we a enturc to hint that wc do know somethmg of indi 
vidnals- tbcir disposition and their paying power— an agent will often coarsely tell us 
to stand aside and mind our own business ” ** If the pi tests hadu t joined the League, 

half of us would ha\e been shot before now, said a landlord agent who certainly does 
not love them too well 

t He, like almost all Irish Vrotestants, was a strict Sabbatanau. His distrust of 
Assistant Land C onimissioncrs was great “ ihe tenant has no chance with them,” lie 
said “Ihe landlord has his case clearly set out by an able lawyei Ihe tenant’s real 
grievance is lost in a rambling rigmarole that they won t be at the pains to follow out * 
ills chief grievance, however, was tiiatf/irr// vent fishing on Sunday, asking leave, too, of 
the very man whose land they had come to value ” It is not, of course, the Commis 
sioners’ business to protect the tenant All they ha\ e to do is to decide whether the 
land IS really worth four fifths of the Go\ernment advance lluis, the improvementa 
(house, &c ) increase the udm of the and^ aud therefore warrant tliem m giving 
more On the other hand, if made by the tenant, these should in ecmity ensure him the 
laud at feuer gears* purchase But many besides the tenants think that the Commis 
Sion should be i Court of hkpnty “ Ihe League,” a high official told me, “has pretty 
well stopped one kind of land grabbing , the Commissioners must discourage that 
other kind which I call grabbing against themselves ” 1 found the idea general m 

Kerry, that landlords were eager to force on sales , and that the Commissioners were 
not always careful enough to keep down pnees 



selfishness of London,* made the elections go wrong last July IVe 
no space to argue about Home Rule , hut I know it would send such 
a pulse through the extremities, that instead of three small tweed 
mills, Maybury’s m Kenmare, Revmgton*s in Tralee, and another near 
Killarncv, being all that keeps manufacture alive in Kerry (for the 
Valentia quarries are closed, and so is the " Carrageen moss factory, 
that brought € tOO a year to poor ruined Glenbeigh), there would be 
a little mill of some kind in almost every glen 

One more delusion Mr Verschoyle says Before Mr Gladstone 
touched the land question, there was in Kerry no Agrarian crime, and 
all loan as it ought to be But, as I have shown, secret societies^ 
all agrarian, never died out in Kerry Tnere began the Phoenix 
Society, out of which grew Feuianism, which longed to throw off the 
English joke because England would not deal with the land question 
All this was long before Mr Gladstone had moved m the matter To 
lay on him the blame of Kerry lawlessness is perhaps the most 
impudent thing that even party rancour has ever attempted t 

Remedies ^ One Kerry M P advises planting, and many acies of 
waste aie good for little else, though many more may be profitably 
’«>^orked bj'’ peasant owncr« Make the properties small enough 
Even Ml Froude Fortnight in Kerry thinks the glens too thinly 
peopled, and the land not enough divided Kerry could maintain a 
large population, helped during the idle months by little mills (not large 
factories , Heaven foibid), and on the coast by curing-houses, training- 
ships, &c Do we want to hold our own among the nations ^ If so, why 
diPwc go on casting out the bone and smew of our people ^ You can’t 
get good soldiers out of city slums non lii^ juventns oita paieniibus 
Emigration ‘there must be , but let it be regulated, and not com- 
pulsory Take Glenbeigh, put m a young priest as curate with Father 
Quilter, and when he has got the confidence of the people, send him 
off at the head of a whole swarm, and let them found another Glenbeigh 
somewhere — say on the Frazer River or m Tasmania or New Zealand { 

This IS perhaps a dream , and like a dream seems a good deal 
of Bjy visit estates where e\ery rent was thrice GnflSth , where 
with butter at present prices men were struggling to pay £G for the 

* Some Londoneis, chiefly h%\yers md bankeis, gam by the present sjstem— aniustly 
not only to the nun of Diiblm, but at the cost of tho whole United Kingdom, which la 
taxed for forcibly holding Ireland down Loudon needs a vast deal of education iii this 

t Yet another delusion “Home Rule would strip Ireland of capital’ AMiose’ 
The non-reducing landlords have none Mortgagees (mostly Loiulon) dram awa> most 
of thfeir income But there is money m Ireland (though not m JCerry), which national 
sentiment will set loose — a sentiment as iiowerful now as in the old (Treck days It 
will belike the impulse v\ 1 icli Thucydides says was given to art and everythmg m 
Athens, when the Peisistratids and their “Castle ’’were shaken off 

X Don’t suffer it to become like its almost namesake Gltnveagh in Donegal, cleared 
years ago by that ruthless land jobber A^dair, and the people drifted either into work 
houses OT town slums, or to America, with hatred m their hearts, theie to be the raw 
material of which djmamiters are made 



grass of a cow , where the landlord managed to get out from the Board 
of Works a loan for road-making thrice what he paid the tenant , and 
where, when the poor fellow was paid his third, he had to sign a receipt 
for all previous improvements, so that even the house he or his 
father had built might be confiscated It is an evil dream a good deal 
of it — of men writted to death, of agents’ bitter tongues lashing 
Iheir victims to fury , of other agents, kinsmen to attorneys, shar- 
ing the costs, and therefore seeking to multiply them, of €17 Dublin 
writs served where the ordinary €2 10^ eiectment process would 
have sufficed, of tafiapering with leases, withholding pass-books, tempt- 
ing a leaseholder to lay out the wife’s dowrv on improvements and 
then coming down on him with a ruinous hne All this can^t be 
pure invention * 

Well , boycotting is, those who are engaged in the struggle 
assure us, a necessary evil The practice is not new, nor confined 
to Ireland, the novelty is its being used to the prejudice of the 
dominant class Of moonlighting no sane man can speak but in 
terrhs of the very strongest condemn itiou Kerry lads must be 
taught their duty as sternly as must London lads whom a course of 

penny awfuls ^ has made emulous of Jack Sheppard’s fame Juries 
too, must act on evidence , and they would do so the more readily 
but for the notorious partisanship of some Irish judges Men shnnk 
from -convicting ^\hen they know that sentence will be given in total 
disregard of extenuating circumstances t 

I said it is a deadlock , it is also a dilemma Let the Irish first 
show respect tor law and contracts,^^ cries the London press "Vlfe 
can^t respect your law , it is summa ivjin retorts Ireland , and 
the contracts were a delusion and a fraud , landlords^ clticanc some- 
times makes evon the protecting Land Acts a ghastly farce " 

Well, what is to be done ^ Something soon , for, as matters are 
going on, the character of the people cannot fail to get more and 
more deteriorated What would become of you or me were we for 
years cut off from our profession and its gains, and in full health 
compelled to stand idly by while another bungled through our wprk ? 
And I saw farmers who had been living for years in League huts, 

* “ Nc\ cr mind just pay me the costs and 141 let you ofl tins time,” said an ajjent to 
a man ^ horn he ha<l processed for ruit, >\hicli, as it turned out (for the case was sifted), 
he really did not owe at all See the excellent summary of the Land Laws in Mr 
Deane’s Short History of Ireland (impartial from a thonmghly English jioint of view) 
Speaking of the old leases he says (p 223) “forfeitures occurred daily through the 
neglect of tenants, or (Icxitiona manatjement oflnudlonh " Read him for light on the 
whole Irish question For light on Kerry read Sir Charles KusBell’s New Views of 
Ireland,” new edition 

+ “In Fngland just now,” said a Kerry parson, “all the odium falls on the moon 
lighters If r ngland knew all, it would certainly fall in part on the land grabbers , 
land grabbing is, under our conditions of life such an odious stab in the dai^, such a 
base appeal to the landlord s w eakness, so bad every way ” Look, too, at Chief Baron 
Palles’s comments on the formation of the Sligo panel Junes must act on evidence , 
but Junes must not be packed, nor should there be fourteen judges on the Irish Privy 



their homes occupied by police-piotected emergency men How must 
they feel >> And how must those feel who arc still struggling on, and 
who have to pay at least 10 p c on flicir lental for all these extra 
police, besides compensation foi often imagin iry injuries ** ^ No 
wonder credit is gone, and trust bct^\cen man and man fast going, 
and the knaves think that because faimeis enn't pay iciits, therefore 
thej need not pay shop debts And this is telling on the moral fibrQ. 
That fibre must have btcn strong indeed to hold out for centuries 
against influences like those recorded in ^^Thc Sham Squire (read 
it, if \ou Mould nnderstind why liishmen arc what they arc) It 
has held out, but it lias suflcicd , and now it is exposed to another 
and more subtle set of influLiicts 

There is nothing foi it but to hasten on Home Rule I entered 
Kcr*'y tliinking that the llorac Rule question was less important 
than some others , I came back assured that Horae Rule cannot wait 
Ireland wants quiet, but, to quote a farmer’s words, "things won’t 
be quirt till we get oin own Pirliamcnt-mon, who^ll soon lay the 
lash on those blackguards’ sides, ind we shall cheer them on in doing 
it vV Home Rule Government would at once get rid of moonlight- 
ing, at any rate " Ah * Mi Parnell would stop all that kind of work, 
if only lie got the chance ” " Why ? " Because he would have the 

people with him , and, now, it’s a painful fact, but down here in Keiry, 
at any rate, lingers the old tradition, that thcic must be something 
something helpful to the populat <ause at the bottom of whatever 
tile Government sets itself to put down In our view it^s an alien 
Government, remember, and till yesterday it could not possibly be 
just between man and man, because it took all its magistrates from 
one paity Youi Castle machiiicrv may forcibly drive moonlighting 
under, but it will smoulder on, whereas a national Government 
would quickly quench it by removing the discontent on which it 
feeds The speaker was a parson with life-long experience of the 
people and their sympathies 

Bring m Home Rule, then, since it neither means separation, nor 
the beggaring of Ireland, nor the persecution of Protestants, nor 
the establishment of a Rome-ruled State * You believe in Bentham 
here is a clear case of the greatest happiness for the greatest numbe? 
You have never jet believed that we Irish were the best judges of 
our own needs , in Church, in education, it has always been the 
same YouVe insisted on giving us lohat you, from your wholly wrong 
point of view, judged to be best for us Change your plan at last 
Have a little faith in us Believe that behind all this agitation there 

* A fervent Catholic told mo “You know our reverence for the Holy Father 
Well, he was suspected of sotting himself against the Parnell restimomal, to whioh we 
were actually from some of our altars forbidden in the Pope s name to subscribe We 
showed pretty plainly that if it came to a question between the Pope and Home Ru]e„ 
all oup r^erence would not make us give up the latter ” ^ 

VOL Ll« S 



IS a reserve force — the quiet tenanty with whicli people ho'd what 
they are assuied is right 

And let Mi Ciladstonc bring it in, for the immense faith in him, 
the deep love of him, in all these Kerry peasants' minds, no one can 
measure who has not been among them 

Ah, but the land question must first be settled, or the landlords 
will be robbed wholesale, and to settle the land question will take time 
\cs, and surely that's a reason for hist bringing m Home Rule, 
and so putting an end to this wietched demoraliziug deadlock 
Leave the land question to a Commission of mixed English and 
lush lawvcis and practical men, in whose impartiality both suits 
will have confidence The Commission now sitting is only one of 
inquiry, it has (wc hear) been Ic lining strange truths, as the Bess- 
boiough Commission did before it, and what it has learm d might 
well be the ba^^is of futuit action Meanwhile, let tJovernment 
adopt something like Mr Dillon's ^^Plan of Campaign,' f and let it 
make such an arnngement with the moitgigecs as shall enable the 
landloids to await a final settlement 

The all-important thing is to stamp out that lawlessness which 
now burns so fiercely because it feeds on the unsatisfitd nation il 

I appeal to educated Eiiglislimen — to men like my old London 
schoolmates and Oxford fellow-students fling aside puty and small 
personal interests Ireland has too long been a parliamentary 
shuttlecock That mode of government (or lather nou govern- 
ment) IS foi lici in Ignominy , for England it is lut only a 
scandal, but a fatal weakness Hive faith m Ireliiid's profes- 
sions , do there what you have done with such admiialilc resultb in 
Canada, and hcncctorth wc shah have a contented 1 1 eland, all parties 
being contented lu cause each will fit into its natural place , ind a 
contented Iieland, remember, means a strong United Kingdom 
Once believe that we arc in earnest, that we have given pledges of 
sincerity — all of us , not tlie poor fellows only who have been for four 
years out m the cold Ask yourselves how it is possible to govern 
successfully when the state of things is sueli that a newly appointed 
Government officer could tell me IVi fomid at o i(( that the 
Castle system is quite rotten ^ " 

'e Ah ’ I ord 1 anclolph/’ said a very able Kerr> man when I asked would they take 
Home Rule from lum ’ “ We don t believe m him , ht has a rag on every hush ” The 
reference is to " w dl jlressing You will sometimes see a busb near a holy well covered 
with ofFeniigs in the sliapo of shreds of coloured lag The Duke of Marlborough’s 
brother, it is judged, does not confine his demotions to a single shiine, but tries any and 
e\ eiy one , and yet c\ en for him there is room for repentance He has iimnense energy , 
he has the courage of his convictions He is indeed a convert worth making 
t This was written before (lovomment bad tried to punish Mr Dillon and his friends 
for vimply following the example set them by Sii M Beach & Co —viz , putting pressure 
on obstinate landlords Well maj the Tones despair after those cro'^s examinations of 
their own Chief Secretary, &c 



Above all, don^t lose voui beads TIic English m a panic are a sight 
to make angels weep Don^t listen to the bray of the London Press, 
kept going by the London mortgagees When you arc told that the 
Irish are repudiatingall just obligations, see what a calm, reasonable man 
of wide experience like Abp Walsh says, and ask yourselves, Is it likely 
that a whole nation, which Sir T Davies so long ago said was specially 
justicc-loving, should suddenly, with the certainty of thereby enrag- 
ing that sister nation which it is its chief interest to please — nay, 
on whose goodwill its hopes entirely depend — become a nation of 
swindlers^ That is what my month in Keriy taught me must be 
my last word to every true lover of the United Kingdom To the 
landlords and agents my message is Listen to reason Think 
who are your true friends See what the Tones have done and will 
do for you Thev’Il treat you as Pitt treated Lord Clare after heM 
used him to bring about the misnamed Union Give up yoiu 
tnciviS7n(, which at most is only a century old, for, with ill his 
faults the Irish gentleman of 1782 was Irish, and did not try to be 
IVest-B}?lf&h We would fain not lose vou , it would be our loss 
as well as vours Come before it is too late, and head a moiement 
which else will unavoidably crubh you out 

Hlnii\ SrtvRT Tvovn 

This, as 1 saitl u as writtc ii in Deccmbei J I11114S h o iiio\ eel on apace but thoir 
( ourso seems to me to hav c 1 athor sjiv on point to \vhat I tliui s ml tli in to make it needful 
for me to alter or to modify Glenbeigh has been cleared siuoc I 'wro^'f and tlieieb> I 
trust, the deatli blow Ins been given to tho Iiisli system of o\ietiou On that subject 
I sh ill speak calmly as J have on all others It is well, < xeept for tin poor suffercis 
that thi sec saw system of a <*ovciiimciit that c uik into jjower on i Ik — foi jtho sham 
Unionists ery of ‘ Separatists is a palpable and m too many cas» s i con'scKuis lie 
should end in that wx> Chief Baron P dies is a tiiicr frund to us Natn nahsts 

than poor Sir M l^eich When tin res an infimous, impossibh law tin best 

■way towards its bcin^ at once struck out of the Statute bool js to c irry it out to tlie 
strict letter Ihe Chief Baron insisted on this, and “the( leubcigli atrocity * is tht 
result Sir M Beach’s jilan OpTjveiif crrwSas irpbi rop^Covri Tr-v/iart ’^iight ha\ e long kept things 
m 'italUi fjKO No doubt (dcnbei^h is congested now that tl»e demand for outside labour 
h&s wholly ceased , send out a swann, then, under a tcetot il pi test and a teetotal doctor 
with a spice of the enthusiasm of humanity, and some Sisters with that tact and lovin^ 
■Wisdom of which there is siieli an abundant supid^ in Jiish eoments Let the folks buy 
their holdings at a stnetly fair jiriec , and let the colony bind itself to pay for a few years 
the Government instalments bueh a colony would be an airoiKla a daughter for evei 
to the old mother glen The colonists would go aw ay w ith love instead of hatred m their 
hearts , they would be a strength instead of a wtakness to what, when we get flome 
Rule, will at last be tJu really Kingdom 1 hese Glcnbcigh people deserv e to hr 

practically pitied I hey paid as long as they could , places like theiis where rent was 
never even in part paid out of the land, would be sure to feel the pinch lirst Tl <y 
have nmde the land, and, therefore, surely their part ownersliip should be reaper trd 
The GlcnhugliclearattLf toidd neif r hait taJ en place vndti llomcRnlc 


A HIGH authority has reccntlv said, ^‘Thcie Ins been no time at 
’whuh any raari who had anything to say tint might be of use to 
his countrymen, on any of the great questions of the dav, was more 
bound to suy it than iiow^ Impicsscd with a conviction of this 
truth, and bclicMiig that the propci oiganization ot our national 
defences, both as rcgai ds cost and eflicicncy, is one oi the great ques- 
tions of the day, I think possibly I may have something to say 
which ma} be found of use to my countrymen 

It V* ccitainly not at tins time necessary to enlarge on the 
national importance ol a commeice reckoned by millions of tons of 
shipping, and by hundreds of millions in value of imports and ex- 
ports, or on the imperative necessity +hat is laid upon us of defend- 
ing that commerce if we intend to preserve oui existence and our 
Empire A.11 aic agreed upon this, all know that the Navy is the 
weapon by which that successful defence can alone be secured, and 
all turn with anxiety to ascertain its efficiency, and to measure its 

Though the prmeipil scope of these remarks must necessarily 
embrace subjects icknowlcdgcd to be purely naval, it will not be 
possible to conhne them onlv to those points hitherto dealt with by 
naval administrations Our naval power or force depends on details 
of first-rate importance, which, owing to antiquated traditional ar-^ 
rangements and impcifcct perception of modern requircmenfs, are 
left out of the sphere of naval arrangements, though they cannot be* 
detached from naval cflicicncv It is true, that it is a naval depart- 
ment that builds or ought to build the ships required, but it is not a 
naval department that arms them, nor is it one over which the 
Admiralty has sufficient control The Navy has the whole ocean 



world for the sphere of its duties and ^or the field of its operations, 
J)ut it depends for its mobility on depots of coal at places which arc 
scattered lound the globe, neglected and undefended The rapid 
direction of the Na\y at a distance can be effected by means of 
electric cables to all points where our ships are wanted Electric 
communication with these points is essential to *i rapid use of those 
cruisers or squcidions which will be engaged in the protection of our 
colonies and commerce, yet it is mostly coiispieuous by its absence, 
and where it exists it is not in the hands of the Admiralty but in 
those of private companies 

We have seen that, guided by antupiitcd tradition, the Naval 
Administration has publicly repudiated its responsibility for the two 
first essentials of naval power and lias neglected to provide for 
the third The remarks I shall have to make on naval ordnance 
and on secure depots of coil will apply to the pioceedings of the War 
OflSce more directly than to the Admiralty as organized at present 

I do not propose to cntei into a statistic al review of the compara- 
tive strength of oiii own and foreign navies, by giving a nominal 
list of the ships ol wai possessed by each, still less by giving a de- 
tailed description of each ship 

I have never seen any such enumeration, or such desciiplion which, 
to the great mass of unprofession il readers, would not be more or 
le misleading If, as has been often asseitcd, you can prove any- 
thing by figures, the statement is never more true than when applied 
to those 1 elating to the naval forces of this or any other country I 
am confirmed in this view by the serious diserepancics to be found 
between the official Navy List and the returns presented to Parlia- 
ment by the Admiralty, as well as by discrepancies between those docu- 
ments and the very valuable compilation called the Naval Annual, a 
work of great industry and research, for which we aic indebted to 
Lord Brassev^ a former Secretary of the Admiraltv, who had more 
than any one else the means of accurate knowledge in his hands I 
may say in passing that, while I have every confidence in the accuracy 
of the figures given in his tables, I do not agree with his conclusions, or 
in the view he has taken of the merits of his Naval administration 

Instead, therefore, of a more detailed description of our naval 
forces, which could not really accurately inform any unprofessional 
person, I shall endeavour to give only such a general outline of the 
aggregate naval foicc of the two greatest maritime powers ^pf the 
world — England and Prance— as can easily be understood by the 
general public In doing so, I have followed chiefly the Naval 
Annual for 1886, already referred to, and compared it with the 
Admiralty return laid before Parliament, and ordered to be printed 
on May 17, 1886, checked by comparing them both with the official 
Navy List for July of that year 



Koi the sake of convenience, and to accentuate the difference 
between ships intended principally, if not exclusively, for fighting 
great battles afloat, the navies of the world are divided into 
arniouied and unarmoured ships The former may be called battle- 
'.liipj*, and the latter arc designed for cruising the police of the seas, 
aid othci pui poses, principally, on oui side of the Channel, for the 
defence of our eommcrce, but on the other side for the destruction 
ot that commcice and of every unarmed ind defenceless town or 
position exposed to such attacks 

The armoured slaps of England being of all dates since 1860, the 
offspring of various intentions, the result of continual progress m 
the art of destruction and of mechanical knowledge and experience, 
represent everything, from a ship of 1,210 tons disiilacement to 
one of 11,900 Tins variety of size entails, of course, every 
vaiicty ot offensive and defensive power, speed and coal dnduiance 

I think every one will agree with me that it is impossible to 
comp ire, tor any useful purpose, a list of seventy-three of such 
lietcrogcneous ships paraded liy the Admiraltv, with a list of sixty- 
seven ships given m the Naval Annual, on the authority of tlie 
blench jVIimster of ^Marine, varying in size from 1,420 to 11,100 
tons, entailing, of course, proportionate differences ot offensive and 
defensive power, speed, and coal endurance A further diflScultv an 
making a useful comparison is to be found in the fact that not only 
do the types of the ships and the numbers included in their respective 
tvpts differ, but the official lists given above include on both sides 
a large number of ships which aie quite unsuitcd for the purposes 
of modern viarfarc, plated with armour utterly incapable of keeping 
out modern projectiles, of low speed, feebly armed, of little coal* ^ 
(iidurancc, and ill adapted to sea-going purposes Wc at least have 
c ighteeu such ships to deduct from the Admiralty list , and, though 
it IS not possible to speak with equal certainty of the deductions we 
ought to make from the French Minister of Manners list, he 
acknowledges eight to be of no further piobablc use, and very 
likely there are six or eight others that are thoioughly obsolete 

It is a remarkable fact that the lists of both countries still reckon 
amongst their armoured ships — one the Resistance, the other the 
Piotectnu, both of which have been rendcied unserviceable by* 
torpe(|o experiments 

Making the deductions that, according to the best information 
attainable, should be made from both these lists, the numbers of 
the ironclads of the two countries may be stated approximately at 
fifty-five for England, and fifty one for France Without going into 
further detail, taking everything into consideration, giving due weight 
to all the circuibstances which affect the comparison, and assuming 



that tne designs of the naval constructors ou each side of the Channel 
will fairly iulhl the mtenfious of each administration (a matter of 
interminable dispute, and which nothing but an experiment carried 
to destruction can settle), the iioiielad foice of England is, on the 
whole, rather superioi to that of France alone A combination of 
the n IV} of that Power with any other would completely reverse ihe 
position It must be cleaily understood, that the number and types 
of the ^lups of each nation, on which this opinion is founded, include 
ships building and those not completed, that bytai the moic formid- 
able ships are m that eategory, and tliat it is slated that piogress in 
the building of some of the largci Frcneh ships has been suspended 

There is on oui side (and it must serioiislv detract from the 
assumed superiority cicditcd to our iionelad forec) the circumstance 
that some eoiifusion or mystification exists as to the coal endurance 
of several of these war vessels Amongst the iionclad ships now 
builairig aie some partially piotected with iron-platiiig, ci edited with 
a coal endui ance of 8,000 knots at a speed of ten knots per hour, 
though the^ aie only of 5,000 tons displacement, weighted with 
armoui, and carrying a heavy armament and etpiipmenl, with 900 
tons of i oal , they are to attain a speed of eighteen knots, and have 
tlie eoal endui ance above stated This, I htue no doubt, is the 
estimate iiadc by the naval architect who designed them, and I have 
no cans of disjiutjng it, but a compirison may be made of what 
haa been done w ith what has been promised Two ships of war, of 
soi^iewhat similar type, the Imj)ui(if6e and the sjnti, with a 
displacement of about 7,500 tons, arc credited with a speed of seven- 
teen knots, a stowage of coal of 1,200 tons, and a coal eiiduranee 9! 
7 300 knots at ten knots speed I will quote the statement of the 
Secretai v of tlic Admiralty concerning these ships — 

‘‘ These vessels were laid down m the yeir 1881 They were designed to 
v.arr} at their best trim only 400 tons ol coal, or forty eight hours’ consump- 
tion it low speed They had i reserve ot double that quantity, but of course 
at a greater displacement They h id an armour belt of about 7 ft 6 in 
wide, ot which it was intended 3ft 1 in should be above and 4 ft 3 in 
below water when at their best trim Tied by a nariow margin such as 
stated, It would be naturally supposed that extra circumspeetion would be 
\ised in keeping tlieir weights down, but the re rerse w as the ca^-e Between 
1881 and 18 80 a great idvancc was mide in gunnery and machinery Pro- 
posal after proposal was m ide to altci and add to the armament ind engines, 
until when the ships were completed, it was discovered that their weight was 
430 tons greater than intended When sent to sea with then bunkers full 
the armour was only 8 in above water llemembermg how sliot ricochetted 
when It struck the Water, one was piompted to isk of wh it use weic the 
7 ft of under water armour which those vessels carried, and for which the 
country had paid some quart6r of a million ” 

Much the same defects arising from similar causes exist m other 
Uassea of, ships, and there is nothing iin the speeds or in the state- 



meuts of coal giveii; that can be relied on to prove that any one of 
our numerous ships of war could cross thfe Atlantic from England to 
New York at a speed of 13 5 knots, much less at the maximum speed 
ol seventeen knots lately recorded of the Umbna Bui for all the 
pill poses ot defence, the Admiralty ought to have some such ships in 
its own hands, not depending on the possibility of hiring them when 

The unarmoured ships of each naiy differ as, much fiom any in- 
dividual type End fiorii those adopted by then rivals as do the armoured 
ships, and whole* clasps of numerous ships are excluded from any 
place amongst this list on both side^ No place is found there for 
yachts, tiansport<», suivcjing ships, gun-boats, and gun-vessels of every 
variety of size and t>pe, ships for harbour seiviee, ind torpedo boats 
The latter will be leleircd to sepaiatelj 

Thus limited we have, aeeoiding to the Naval Annual, 120 un- 
aimoured ships — not so many aie given in the pailnmcntarv leturii — 
varying m size and in eveiy other qualitj from (>00 to 7,100 tons of 
di'^placement, and in speed fiom92‘) to 19 knots — that is, 19 knots is 
the estimated maximum speed of foui torpedo cruise not yet com- 
pleted Eiom this total ot 1.J0, Luge deduction mujt be made, 
Poity seven ot tins number cannot obtain a speed of 12 knots, 
and could not drive oil oi capture any swift steamer, iiowi mi lightly 
armed, bent on the dcsti uc tion of o ir eornmeiee, md of the 7 1 lemam- 
lug who can exert a speed of 1 1 kno^s and upwards, mam nc worn out 
and inefficient ^ 

On the French list wo liiid, limited in the same way, 120 
iiparmoured ships, varving from 70 to 7,100 tons of dispkeemeut, 
and m speed from 7 to 23 knots \ery laigc deductions must be 
made from this list It is (juite doubtful whether nine sea-going 
torpedo ships of 70 tons and 22 knots speed should not be more 
properly included amongst the torpedo botits, latlicr than amongst 
cruisers, doubts having be en east on their sea going ciualitics, but they 
are certainly capable of doing incalculable mischief to passing traders 

If, then, wc remove to another list these nine small but swift 
vessels, and dednet them, as well as 4 1 ships unable to realize a 

speed exceeding 12 knots, we find 68 French ships to be langed 

against 77 English 

In consideiiiig the torpedo foicc of the two countries, and 
remembering that those building are included in the numbers given, 
we shall find that England has of all classes 181, varying in 
length from 150 to 63 feet, of which 88 arc built, and 93 building , 
tbcir speed varies fiom 15 to 22 knots This maximum has been 
attained on the measured mile by one ship Most of the other 

speeds given are estimated, and will probably be nearly, if not quite, 

realized # 



Franco has, of all clas^tSj including the nine so-called sea-going 
torpedo cruisers, built and building, 198, varying m length from 
13d to 70 feet, the speed of which, excepting that of the nine 
Icraft already refcried to, is not given eithei by the Admiralty 
Return or in the Naval Annual They will probably, like our own 
boats, attain very neaily the speed promised for them 

The small unclassified ai monied ships of both countries, very 
numerous, and useless as cruiseis, of old and bad types, of weak 
armaments, of slow speed, and chiefly of wood, might each render 
some service m their own waters, and need not be further referred 
to, with the exeejitiou of 28 Jmglish steel oi iron {;jUnboats, admir- 
ably adapted for defensive woiks in our own wateis, hut with no 
great range of operation 

I should stcitc as my opinion, leaving others to judge what it 
may be woith, that in fighting power the unarmoured ships of 
England are decidedly snpeiior to those of oui iiials, but it the 
raison d\ltc ol the French Navy is, as has been ficqiieutly statid 
in that country, and by none more powerfully and categorically 
than by the French Minister of Marine, the widespiead, thorough 
destruction of British commerce, ind the pitiless and remorseless 
ransoming of every uudefendccl and accessible town m the Rritish 
dominions, regardless of any sc ntimcnt dities, or such rubbish as 
tl laws of w u, and the usages of civilized nations, lud it at least 
one of the iaisons d’tiic of the Biitish navy is to defeat those 
benevolent intentions, and to defend that commerce on which 
depends oui national cYistciice and irnpciial greatness, then I fear 
that perhaps they have picpared to lealizc then purpose of lemorse- 
less destruction rather better, tliaii wc have ours of successful 

It would I think, not be difficult to show that the approximate 
equality in armed lone between the two nations is in reality an 
enormous advantage to the FoWer that has the least to defend, and 
that the twenty additional fast cruisers called for by Lord Charles 
Beresford would hardly redress the balance But mv space is too 
limited to enter into such details 

The expenditure on shij)buiUling and machinery is stated in the 
Naval Annual to be, from 1861 to 1885 inclusive — for England, 
je34,337,000 , for France, £23,000,(X)() (in lound numbers), but it 
would be a great mistake to suppose that the larger expciifliture by 
England of eleven millions signified anything like that amount of 
greater efficiency The accounts of expenditure are diflFerently kept 
in the two countries, and we should have to enter into a \ery con- 
tentious subject indeed — viz , the relative merits of each of the ships 
produced by thib expenditure — before we could form a just comparison 
of the result It would be also a great mistake to suppose that none 


but a Eiitish Admiralty had committed blunders or mystified their 
rcspectne legislatures On the contrary, the French Ministers of 
Marine have often justly deserved the charges brought against them 
of vi( illation, errois of judgment, and change of purpose The*^ 
diOjcultics of the problem ha\c been for them, as well as for us, 
stumbling-blocks, and causes of waste of money 

Ihose difficulties were vciy leal, but at any rate on our side of the 
Channel they were not fairly met, and tliough now, in 1887, at least 
i balance, though fai from a decisive one, has been established 
between the fighting ships of the two countries, in our favour, it was 
otherwise for many a long year, and never more seriously against us 
than lu the autumn of 1881 Even that might have been borne 
without any ovcrpoweiing sense of iiidign ition,if we had been shown 
the actual state of the case That was revealed to us, not by a eleai 
iiid ungarbled offici il statement ot facts, but by the cffoits of the 
Press, especially by those of the Pfi// Mall GazetU , by public discus- 
sion, and by the unceasing demoustiations of piofessional men and 
the highest anthoiities in naval architecture On the contrary, it 
must he rcmembeicd, as a warning ot what may h ippen to us again, 
that an obstinate defence was made by the Admiralty, they stigma- 
tized those who uigcd the public to consider seriously the alarming 
condition of the Navy, as evil-mmdcd panic mongers, but ill m vam^i 
they had to sun end cr at last, to aekiiowlcdgc deficiencies and short- 
comings which they had hitherto denied or concealed, and to ask for 
millions to place the Navy in that condition of efficiency which they 
had hitherto asserted was its normal state 

The result tint has followed this large mcieasc on the ordinary 
expenditure for the last two jtars, and which has enabled me to 
make a perhaps somewhat favourable statement of oui naval con- 
dition, is the measure ot the dangerous position we have been in foi 
some years If t^o years^ strenuous cffoits, if the extra expenditure 
wrung from a reluctant Naval Administration have only placed us 

in such a restricted position of efficiency, what must have been our 
condition in 1884 ? Not in i state of profound peace, as has often 
been recklessly isserted, but with the burning questions of Russian 

annexations in Asia, of our 1 gyptian occupation, of A\ars waged by 
Iiance m lonquin,in China, a.ud Madagasc ar, where we had interests 
imuacmf bclhf,ercnt po« and no« open or 

moment^' VIl of ” fearful ronflagrahon at any 

to assert that ti ^ tliough we were not then in a position 

atthcheatfof thtTl^ count il of the civilian 

high distinction were to be found officers 

optis> not share the 

^^a'al \dniim8tratio were the spokesmen of 

ation , and now we know, from a letter pubUahei lu 


the Times, that th( Senior Naval Lord at that date differed 
essentidlly from the policy pursued There is no mistaking the 
inference that the naval offacer specially selected to advise flic 
civilian Minister must have stated his opinion^ ind that opinion 
TFas ovcrrhled and disregarded I wi&h particulaily to draw the 
attention of niy leaders to tins fact llie nival olliccrs who con- 
stitute the Boaid of Ahniralty aic^ selected and placed in that 
position to do as the First Lord tells them in the first place , but also, 
in the second place, to give the civilidii tint inform itiou Mhich he 
cannot possibly have on professional matten Inlormation so given 
on such mattcis iindoubtedlv takes the toim ot advice, even when it 
IS not asked for, ind the confidence of tin public in the Na\al 
Administration of the day is largelv and ficclv guen to the Minister 
at its head, because, though he is necossaiily ignorant on many 
important items of navil knowledge, thc} arc aware that tha<- 
knowledge can be ind ought to be supplied by hn naval council 
The two most important naval functionaries aic the h^irst Sea Loid 
and the Controller of the Navy , the armament, manning, discipline, 
and distribution of the fleet, &.c , arc the special duties of his 
department, and, together Mitli the Controllei of the Navy, he has 
to pass judgment — I admit a judgment liable to be overruled bv 
the civilian chief — on the design and construction ot ships 

On all the puicly technical points relating to these subjects his 
decision ought to be supreme Ne\t to him the most important 
official IS now a naval officer — the ControIJei of the Navy If he 
have the requisite ability and knowledge of business, it will be a great * 
advantage to the Inst Lord that he should be a professional man On 
*the purely technical points of what relates to the material of the 
Na\y, he is m the sann position with icgard to ships, stores, 
machinery, management of tlio dockyards, k/C , as that occupied by 
the First Sea Lord, with regard to the pa sound of the Navy Each 
of them have a laigc staff of professional and technical experts under 
them , and both of them are responsible to the First Lord, but toT 
him only, for their actions It is, I think, a great misfortune, which 
(Aunot be too soon remedied, that the lesponsi bill ties of these two 
^ officers to Parliament is not recognized and enforced 

After Parliament has voted the supplies for the Navy, the distri- 
bution of expenditure under the several votes and the condition ot 
our naval force depend much on the advice given to the First Lord 
by these two officers It seems evident, therefore, that they should 
give, not only to him, but to Parliament, some account of their acts, 
and some explanation of the results obtained bv the expenditdre^they 
have directed 

The one thing which can secure the usefulness of their jiositioii, 
and save them from being mere functionaries of the First Lotd; is 



that they should present to him, for publication with the Navy 
estimates, a yearly report in detail of the actual state of the depart- 
ment 01 Cl which they preside, of what has been done with the ex- 
pend! tiiic 1 elating to that department, of the improvements made or 
to b( made, of the savings possible, or of the increased expenditure 
necessary foi effaciency These reports should show conclusively 
liow far in then ojiuuon the state of the J^llivy with regard to their 
respective departments was cflicient and adequate for tlic calls made 
upon it, and for future oontingencies None of the subjects which 
had engaged the attention of these two ofliccis should be omitted 
These reports ought to be thoroughly discussed between themselves 
and the First Lord Nothing should be found in them like petu- 
lance, fault-finding, oi insubordmation If the views of these othcers 
should be found, iftcr discussion, explanation, and amendment, so in- 
compatible with those of the Fust Loid that the ofheers could not 
sigfi them, they would of com sc resign the office they held, and the i 
reason foi siu h icsigriation would be stated in Pirliament This alone 
would, after what hxs pissed, give the public confidcnre m the asser- 
tions, sometimes recklessly inid( bj parli inuiitai v olheidls, that their 
naval advispis, men ()f the highest position m then profe'^sion, cntirtlv 
agreed with the opinion or with the statements they had just made 
The naval experts would most eaiefully considci the advice they 
gave, with the knowledge that it might be discussal aiul cuticized m the 
House of Commons The pailiameutarj exponents of naval policy 
would think twice ere they disicgardtd the counsels of their piofes- 
sional advisers, when they knew tJiit their reasons foi so doing must 
be given and criiieizcd Ample secuiitv could, I am sure, be found 
that the authoiity and responsibility ot thi Cabinet Minister, the^ 
First Lord of the Admiraltj, should be supreme, but I am equally 
confident that the whole object for which his council is selected can- 
not be secured m ^ny other way than by an annual report such as I 
have described If such reports be consideicd unnecessary, the council 
*is unnecessary too AVe have been without that vmblicitiy and rt 
sponsibihty whieh is here artvoc ited , have we secured the primary 
objects of idmmistiation, efficiency ind economy? The answer Is 
only too obvious After the cxpendituu of many extra millions 
during the last two years we have not an adequate Navy, and as to 
economy, hear tlic moderate and judicious view taken by the Secre- 
tary of the Admiralty on the subject 

Great efforts had m quite recent years been made, and would be 
made, to place the Navy in the stiongest possible position He was 
bound, however, to say that spasmodic efforts would never provide an 
efficient Navy He hoped, further, that the costlv warning afforded 
by these ships* would induce present and future Boards of Admiralty 
* lmp^ieu 9 e and War^pue^ already referred to 

the navy and its rulers 


to make up their minds hen they laid down a ship to complete thrir 
plan, push fonvud the constiuction, and allow no material changes 
Apart fioni the ship t> qualities being injured by the alterations made 
during her constiuetioii, the extra cost involved was a most soiious 
item The Ilou’^e of Commons were infoimcd that the Impcrimse 
would cost £161,000, whcicas L53h,000 had bten alioady expended 
upon her Such a policy as ho had indicated Kcpurcd great moral 
courage on the First Lords part, tor it would ibsorb so much money 
annually to complete in two or three ycirs i ft w ships lu hand, that 
he would be prevented from conniig down to tlic lloust and innoune- 
ing a grand building, but really paper, progiamme He beluved tlie 
policy of thq present Boaid would be to lomplete (juiekl\ those on 
hand, and betore the ships were laid down every plan of detail 
I conneeted with their construction should be dcternimcd upon, so 
that no matciial altci itioii would bo vllowLd (lining constiuction 
The present Board found tlu mselvcs left with a rt sponsi 
bility of pioviding no less a sum than £6,500,000 tor vessels 
begun by previous Ooaids, but not completed, of which L3, 200, 000 
had to be found next jeii and the jcii aftti Alternately starving 
and feeding the Navj was i costly pioeccding One ot the most 
clisagiecable duties that he had had m his brut experience m office 
had been to feel eompelled to coiieur in the expenditure of £10 001) 
and £30,000 upon vessels of 2,000 tons, with a vifunmnti speed ot 
onh ten or eleven knots Had adequitc piovision been midcf(>» 
an annual supplj of new ships, the monej thus w isted on old vessels 
woulel liavc been tvulible towards tlu construction of modem ciaft 
Another difficulty uising from the v leillating policj of which he was 
speaking, was that tlic dockvards had not then resources used lu an 
economical maniici Building a number oi ships one year, and few 
or none the next, threw at times numbers of tlu workmen into com- 
paiativc idleness by the want of regulaiitv of employment for tlm 
diflercnt trades ^Ihe neglected state ni wliicli the Navy was three 
vears ago icquncd a sudden accession of numbers to the muster-roll, 
the niciease m four ve^us being from 17,000 to 21,000 men That 
high pressuic could not continue Ilcncc discharges had been and 
would still be necessary, for while doing justice to the men of tin 
dockyards, they were bound to considci the interests of the tax- 
payeis An excess of men at the clockjarcls meant the cicition 
of work merely for the sake of finding employment, and not from its 
necessity As an illustration going round the dockvard*!!, he was so 
struck bv the vast number of boilers stored away, most of tliem of an 
obsolete pattern, that he caused a stock-taking to be made, and it 
would surprise them to hear that they had upw irds ot 150 boilars lu 
stock, some of them manufactured as far back as 1857, and a large 
number now obsolete, the whole costing sometJung like ££30, 000 



'^The starvation of the Navy had involved the country in enormous 
loss in the war panics that had from time to time occurred These 
panics p,rosc mainly through the feeling that the Navy was inefficient 
Ships were bought in haste to be altered or fitted at great expense 
lie had one in his mind now which they boilght and paid £6(b000 
for, then spent £100,000 m htting lier out, and after a short com- 
mission of three years she was again at the dockyards, and a further 
L 30,000 would be expended on her 
‘‘ Political exigencies had had too much influence upon naval affairs 
Boards ol Admiralty, anxious to pose as the promoters of great fleets, 
had laid down the keels of many 'vessels, giving them a name on 
the Navy List, and there they had stood, deluding themselves and 
misleading the countiy into the belief* that a fleet was actually build- 
ing By the adoption of such a policy vessels had been six, eight, 
nine, and ten years in course of construction Between the date at 
which the ship was designed and the keel laid down, and the date 
of her final completion, such changes and advances had been made 
in armour, guns, and machinery, that before the vessel was ready 
for her trial trip she had become obsolete in design and construction, 
and more fitted for the ship-breaker's yard than to be sent to carry 
the British flag into foreign waters Where such delay had occurred 
in building vessels, attempts had been made to introduce modern 
improvements, and seiious alterations were thus made in the original 
designs of the \esscls as they progicsscd Thus it had come to pass 
that vessels designed foi a certain piirnosc, with a certain draught 
and a gnen speed, had failed in all three requirements 

The difficulty was with the system that had grown uj), but the 
work of retorm was lu progress At the same time, through the 
extra liberality of Pailiament within the last three years, leeway was 
being made up Apart from the vessels that were already in commis- 
sion, practically a new and most powerful fleet of some thirty vessels 
would be completed during the forthcoming year, justifying the 
opinion as to our naval supremacy recently expressed by the First 
Lord They could not, however, stay tlicir hands The wisest 
economy was to build new ships, regularly, steadily, and quickly, year 
Dy year, providing a fixed Naval Budget, and replacing vessels that 
become worn out or beyond repair, or obsolete No wise shipowner 
failed to set aside a depreciation fund Of one thing he was con- 
vinced, that over and above every other consideration speed ju a 
seaway would play the most important part in any future naval war- 
fare A seagoing vessel of the greatest speed, armoured or un- 
armoured, would be the most efficient fighting vessel of the future 
France recognized this all important fact She evidently felt that 
she could not compete with our heavy-armoured ships, and she was 
therefore devoting her efforts to the building of fast unamoured 



cruisers to destroy a mercantile marine It was the duty of tht 
English Government to meet those efforts, and to protect that com- 
merce which was the heart blood of the nation 

I can add nothing to these extracts they show clearly that neither 
efhciency nor economy his followed the old system of irrespon- 
sibility and concealment All that the Srcretaiv of the Admiralty 
has said about panics, irregular working, dawdling over ships, wrong 
designs, and promises not performed, has been reicciatcd again and 
again by all persons who have looked at the subject without official 
spectacles (I admit it has never been so mcU said as by Mr For- 
wood), but hitherto A\ithout result ll'hc suigeons lia\c indeed 
probed the wound, ind Mr FoiwoodN statements have shown ho\i 
deep it IS, but what security has the country that men like Mr 
^ Eitchie or Mr Porwood will conduct the rcfoims they ha\c seen to 
be necessary ^ An accident may dismiss them to-moirow It is e\cn 
a serious danger that a Secretary ot the Admiialty should displiy 
remaikabh ability , be is in that case almost ccitain to be inp\ed 
to some more sinning pfarliamentary position, and the Navy again 
to be abandoned to the representatives of a vicious and worn-out 

I have spoken of the two principal Naval members of the 
yVdmiialty Council, and have given a very faint outline of the work 
’ cy should perform, and of the amount of public responsibility 
which should rest upon them 

The third chief officer of the Admiralty Council, the Financial 
Secretary, has a wider, a more serious and practical range of duties 
than even the two Naval experts to whom I h ivc refei red M ithout 
good finance all good ad minis tiation is impossible, and, to quote tin 
woids ot Lord Erassey when he occupied that post, no regulations 
could give him higliCi responsibilities than he actually bears, or 
confer on him greater powers of opntrol than those with which he is 
already invested It is Ins duty, with a very large stafl under 
him, to collect and bring to account e\ery item of expenditure in- 
curred in every department, to clierk it by the estimates, to control 
it, and to focus it from time for the information and guidance of the 
First Lord He is, besides, the parliamentary representative of tht 
Navy in the House of Commons, and very generally the exponent of 
its policy He is always so when the First Lord, as frequently 
happens, is in the House of Lords 

Now I think it self-evident that the wastefulness, and its resulting 
inefficiency, which the Financial Secretary has shown to have existed 
for so many years past did escape the control of the *House of 
Commons m a very remarkable manner A Naval ^debate was gene- 
rally the most futile of all parliamentary performances, and was 
scrambled through at odd hours and times m a most perfunctory 



manner The reason is not fai to seek These estimates, the 
foundation of the appropriation account 'which is examined yearly by 
the Commissioner^ of Public Accounts, have been hitherto presented 
to Parliament m a foim so confused, mystifying and unintelligible 
ds to disgust and dissuade any one from attempting the task of 
oiiticisiu and control 

We therefore find ourselves in rathei a perplexing position It 
has) bejcomc CMdcnt that expenditure has not given us its corre- 
sponding value in efficiency produced, therefore, say the false 
economists, reduce the expenditure, and save the amount of waste, 
regardless of efficiency This really seems, as far as we aic yet 
acquainted with the cause of Lord Randolph ChuiclulPs resignation, 
the logic of his action But the true economist says See that 
your expenditure doe^ produce the cfhcicncy expected from it , the 
money will not then be wasted, ind the expenditure miy hh 
reduced ” ]Mr Forwood has vciy well put the case in a speech he 
recently made at Liveipool He showed, as a man of business, how 
the very first principles of managing a concern with commercial 
success had be en neglected by the Admiralty , how, from sham 
economy, they omitted to consider tlie depreciatiem to which all 
ships and cargoes are lialdc, and, failing to jn ovule yearly the 
amount to meet it, left the countiv with a diminished stock and a 
necessity for larger demands of public money in futuic years He 
is a true economist, and he points out that when this forced ex- 
penditure has met the wants v\hicli liis picdccessois had allowed to 
accumulate and to which they have already pledged the country, 
the Admiralty will he able to make reductions I'hc last Naval 
Estimates amounted to thirteen and a quarter millions, and Mi For- 
wood says that lie is in hopes to effect a large saving in future 
years of this figure I quote from that speech, which is full of 
practical wisdom — “ At the outset, let me say that, in my opinion. 
Lord George Hamilton will, in his place in Pailiamcnt, be able in 
due time to submit Naval Estimates which will show a substantial 
reduction from tne estimates placed before Parliament by our prede 
cessors in office If to the proposed expenditure of our predecessors 
we add the amount of obligations which have matured this year, but 
for which they made no provision, then I say our diminution of 
expendituic will not only be substantial, but I think I may safely 
add, it will be large You may remember that Lord Ripon^s Naval 
Budget amounted to close upon jLI 3,000,000, and that Mr Hibbert 
intimated even more might he required if shipbuilders pushed on 
with the^new warships The woik has been hurried forward, and 
more money is Required this year , so that I feel I am withm the 
mark when I estimate the total naval outlay for 1887 at thirteen 
and a quarter millions Our sketch estimates for next year will, as 




I have already stated^ show a large saving on this fi^re I submit that 
no one can form a reliable opinion upon the comparative extravagance 
or economy of a Naval Budget by taking the amount in its aggregate 
What IS required is an examination in detail of the items that go 
to form the total amount I venture to say, as a business man, 
that theie is not one item of work proposed for next year that 
ouglit to be left undone, or that, Mcwed as a matter of true 
economy, ought not to be carried out I draw a distinction between 
work and expcndituie I must confess that the present Admiralty 
mode of performing woik is expensive 

He gives a forciWe illustration ot what%e calls the false economy 
which ruled at the Admiralty for many years past, m their total 
neglect to provide for depreciation, and thus throwing the burden of 
the naiural decay that takes place upon future years Tlic extract 
that follows is of extreme importance, as showing the effect of that 
sham economy which he so wisely deprecates — 

“ As regards Army expenditure, I have very little knowledge beyond 
the outlay over the guns and munitions of war with which that de- 
partment has to furnish our fleet As to this item, I can say that 
from 1881 to 1886 requisitions were made by the Admiralty upon 
the War Office to the extent of about six millions of money, and that 
the Chancellor of the Exchequer for the time being only sanctioned 
K>jincthing like foui millions The result natuially has been that 
we have had ships completed, waiting for their guus, and an insuf- 
ficient supply of ammunition This, I have no doubt, will lead to 
thb necessity of a supplemental vote this yeai on the part of the Wai 
Office Of one thing I am certain — that is, that jiolitieians of all 
parties will support the policy of maintaining our services in a posi- 
tion of cfliciency 

I am not wrong, therefore, in asserting that all Mr Porwood^s 
remarks, and much more which limited space forbids me from entei 
ing upon, distinctly prove the total want of parliamentary or any 
other control over Naval expenditure No such instances as he has 
-quoted, respecting the cost of ships owing to delay m construction, 
the improvident omission of any provision foi depreciation, the 
total failure of many ships to realize the intentions of their designs, 
could have occurred if parliamentary control had been exercised, and 
that control could not be, and was not exercised, because it lacked 
the necessary information , and why ? Because, either designedly or 
negligently, the Admiralty took efficient measures to blind ^ and 
mystify their masters If the Navy Estimates were confused! and 
unintelligible, the exposition of Naval policy was equally past com- 
prehension Year after year I have studied both, and the only 
conclusion I could come to was, that if I could understand little about 





that huge and dreary volume, its compilers and expounders under- 
stood even less 

The results of the expenditure voted in the Navy Estimates foi one 
year ouglit to have been clearly shown to the House of Commons m* 
the following year This was nominally done by the appropriation 
account, which, however, only followed the confused arrangements of 
the body of the Navy Estimates, and accounted for the expenditure 
only so far as that information extended Now, nearly all the in- 
formation a member of Parliament or the public in geneial would 
require in order to judge what results had been pioduced by the 
grants of money appropnafed to the Navy is thrown together, without 
order and without method, in an Appendix, extending over nearly 
100 pages (the Estimates proper for 1886 occupying 116), and with 
that Appendix the examiners of public accounts have nothing to do, 
and consequently never referred to it No one, without an amount of 
labour of which, having tried it, I cannot speak without un- 
mitigated horror, can arrive at even an approximate result of what 
the money voted by Parliament has really produced 

Now, as one*deeply interested m the efficiency of the Navy, truly 
the right arm of our country, deeply and earnestly sympathizing 
with the heavy burden which the maintenance of such a right arm 
imposes upon the tax-paying public, I feel bound to look beyond 
the caies and the wants of the present moment No one can be 
more cominced than I am that if the present administrators of 
Naval affairs remained for some years in oEBce, wo could get on, 
with some friction and some difficulty, and that a result not 
altogether unsatisfactory might be attained But, considering the 
uncertain tenure of office which our parliamentary system entails, 
that the best men the country possesses are here to-day and gone 
to-morrow, that the Outs ” arc to-day, as always, roa]:ing round the 
“ Ins," with the sole object of displacing them by any means fair or 
foul , what I would ask is this, is it wise to leave the continuation 
of such a system as I have indicated to the chapter of political 
accidents^ Ought not matters to be so arranged as to make it 
impossible for such defaults as Mr Forwood has laid his hands upon 
to occur again ? Much has been done both by the former short- 
lived Conservative Admiralty and by the present I wish I could, 
as an old public servant, adequately express both to Mr Ritchie and 
to Mr Forwood niv sense of the benefit they have conferred on the 
country , and this I say with all impartiality, as m general politics 
I do not belong to their party * 

Many most useful re-arrangements have been made, but more 
remains to do , and before a proper system of Admiralty finance 
can be brought to bear upon Admiralty expenditure, a total reform 
and recasting of Naval accounts — by which I mean the Navy Estimates 



and the appropriation accounts — must be earned out To give in au 
article in this Review a detailed exposition of how this should be 
done IS not fea^^ible I will, however, attempt a slight sketch of the 
lines it should follow At present the Navy Estimates are divided 
into seventeen separate votes, relating to all subjects on which money 
18 required, but they are mixed up in the most extraordinary and 
incomprehensible manner There are in reality three great sources 
of Naval expenditure first, that incurred on the perwnncl of the 
Navy, and everything without which thht per wnnt I could not exist, 
second, the materiel of the Navy, and everything without which that 
matenel could not exist, third, the non-clfcctive service, which 
includes civil and military peubions, half-pay, and other sundries of 
that nature 

There is besides this an expenditure for services non-naval, which, 
if it should remain on the Navy Estimates, must continue to form a 
fourth division 

The estimated expenditure for these divisions is thus arranged (or 
mis-arranged) for the year 1886-87 — 

The votes relating to the fiist great division, or personnel, of the 
Navy are 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 8, 9, various parts of 11, 12 and 13, and 
part of 14 

The votes relating to the second great division, the materiel, of 
the Navy, aie vote 6, vote 10 in two sections, pari of vote 11, and 
part of 14 

The third division, the non effective service, is comprised in two 
votes, 15 and 10 

Vote 17 IS appropriated to services non-naval it might very well 
be handed over to the Army Estimates 

In this year the gross expenditure proposed for the several 
divisions was 

Personnel — First division 
Matenel — Second division 
Non effective — Third division 
Non Naval — Fourth division 





The two first divisions include every expense incurred either about 
men or materials, without which neither could exist, or without 
which no fleet could be built, repaired, manned, maintained or 
equipped , they therefore include the whole expense incurred upon the 
effective service of the Navy, the gross aggregate of which amounts 
to 11,284,784 

This total may be divided into any number of votes for the con- 
venience of discussion in the House of Commons, and so as to give 
as much detail as is considered essential for discussion and adminis- 
tration It may be, for instance, convenient that separate votes 
should show the coat of the Marines, that of clothing, vii^tuaUing^ 

T 2 




and takyig care of the Navy m sickness and in health, the expense 
and amount of the reserves, &c &c , but all these items should be 
brought together The votes that profess to give the medical 
expense of the Navy, or its victualling or its clothing cost, should 
follow one another, and no unnecessary difficulty should thwart the 
endeavours of the public to ascertain the whole cost of any item of Naval 
expenditure The same remarks apply with even more force to the 
\otes relating to tlie material division of the Navy, where more than 
anywhere else reform and economy are needed and can be practised 
What is advocated is, the grouping together of all votes relating to 
the same subject But each subdivision of a vote should contain the 
whole amount required for that subdivision, and that everything 
calculated to throw light on the results intended to be produced by 
the proposed expenditure should appear m the body of the estimates, 
where they will be sub]ected to the Appropriation Act and the 
criticism of the Commissioners of Public Accounts It will be 
•obvious that nothing like this is either attempted or achieved by the 
present form of Navy Estimates The votes relating to the same 
■subject are scattered throughout the book , the details often given in 
the body of the estimate are unessential and unimportant, while the 
4ippendixes are full, without system, of the most important matter 
It IS to be presumed that the object of presenting an estimate of 
expenditure to Parliament is to tell that body how it is intended to 
spend the money it is asked to grant, and to enable it to exercise 
■some contiol oier the demands made upon it This it is quite im- 
possible for it to do now, without an intimate knowledge, possessed 
by few, of a mass of unclassified professional detail, which knowledge 
the present form of estimates, while professing to give it effcctudlly, 

Any member of Parliament or of the general public would find 
that by this re-arrangement he had gained an immense step , he 
would find together in one group all that he wants to know about 
everything connected with the i)ersonnel of the Navy, and everything 
together in another group that he wants to know about dockyards, 
private work for the Admiralty, machinery, repairs, buildings, &c &c 

The Secretary of the Admiralty would find his way smoothed over 
many difficulties experienced in passing the Navy Estimates through 
the House of Commons, and his grasp over the current expenditure 
of the Admiralty enormously facilitated This reform would go far 
to make administrative work combine economy with efficiency 

If he can make, amidst his pressing avocations, leisure to under- 
take this change, he will find at the Admiralty an officer at his elbow 
whose thirty years* experience has enabled him to master all the com- 
plications of this much-needed reform, willing and able to help him, 
and who I know does not substantially differ from the views put for- 
ward m these pages. 



Before leaving the subject it would be as well to state that, as his 
Accountant-General must supply him at short intervals with current 
accounts of estimates, expenditure, and liabilities, it would greatly 
promote the objects of economy and efficiency if as much of these 
accounts as relates to the expenditure caused by acts of the First Naval 
Lord and the controllers of the Navy were also furnished to them 

The armament of the Navy, it is known, is not purely a Naval 
concern The War Office estimates the cost and supplies the guns 
required by the Navy — that is, it should do so, but the Secretary of 
the Admiralty has told us that, while the Admiralty asked for an 
expenditure of six millions for armament between 1881 and 1886, 
the War Office only supplied them with four miPions Of course 
the result has been that ships completed have been, and are I believe, 
still waiting for their guns , and at any rate this delay served as an 
excuse for the dawdling over the construction of ships so strongly 
deprecated by Mr Forwood, and condemned by Lord llavensworth's 
Committee as leading to frightful waste of money and great in- 

The War Office, however, not only supplies the armament itself, 
but it designs the guns it supplies, how much or how little the 
Lircctoi of N ival Ordnance is in a position to influence the officers 
v-f the War Office m the decision they come to with reference to 
those guns, is not, I think, very cleai 

I believe it is very certain that, when the fust breech-loading 
guns were found not to be satisfactory to the Navy, a very good 
murzle-loadmg system ot ordnance was sujiplicd m its place, which 
bore a satisfactory comparison witli that of other Powers Colonel 
Maitland, a director of the Royal Gun Factory, gave it as his 
opinion, that up to 187 j or 1876 that was the case, then there 
came a period of stagnation, and that in 1881 wc commenced 
making up for leeway 

It seems that the increasing thickness of armour-plating, and its 
better manufacture, had influenced the gun-makers on the Continent to 
cndeavoui to overcome that resistance by giving increased energy to 
the projectiles To obtain this, breech-loading guns were adopted, as 
the increased length wanted for burning the enormous charges of 
powder to be used rendered muzzle loading tardy and difficult in land 
artillery, and impracticable in naval ordnance 

The Navy for some time resisted the change, and the delay thus 
occasioned m providing the fleet with a proper armament must be 
laid at the door of the Admiralty 

It must be remembered that the energy of the projectile, to increase 
which was the main purpose of substituting a breech- for a muzsle- 
loadiug guu, depends, catena paribus, upon the muzzle velocity given 
to the projectile, and on its weight 



These muzzle velocities lu the best breech-loaders rarely exceeded 
1,100 feet in a second, and were lu many guns much less When at 
last the Naval authorities gave way on the principle of breech-loadmg, 
it was seen that if the charge of quick-burning powder (up to a recent 
date in use in the Navy) was suflBciently large to give the sought-for 
increased velocity to the projectile, it would utterly destroy any gun 
constructed on the original Woolwich pattern of steel tubes and iron 
jacketing coils Hence it was concluded that a less violent powder, 
burning mqrc slowly and m a much longer gun, was the right thing 
The soundness of this opinion has been controverted 

Colonel Brackenbury, of the Iloyal Artillery, at^ one time superin- 
tendent of the Iloyal Gun Factory, has leeorded his opinion that 
there is no gun adapted for service in any countiy which is not by 
its weakness a hindrance to the full action of the spirit of artillery 
He says ^^W^'e arc always taming and subduing the spirit, instead of 
strengthing the body , the spirit being of course the powder, and the 
body the gun 

A civil engineer, Mr J Longridge, who has sjient years of study 
on the mathematical laws regulating the explosion of gunpowder, 
and the strain inllictcd on the various parts of the gun by the gases 
generated, shares the opinion of Colonel Brackenbury as to inordinate 
length of gun and slow-burning powder, and has endeavoured to 
strengthen the body, instead of subduing the spirit, by a system of 
coils of wire applied in a certain way and in certain parts of a gun 
of more reasonable length A quotation or two from the rcpoit made 
by a Prussian officer of artillery will show the opinion of a foreign 
expert on this matter The most important service rendered by 
Mr Longridge is his insisting on a strictly scientific basis for his 
gun construction His system may well claim such a logical basis , 
whereas there is but little certain in the unscientific foundations of 
other existing systems And he concludes by saying “ Let us not, 
therefore, like the English Ordnance Committee, reject the hand thus 
held out to us To go into questions of gun manufacture here, 
probably the most contentious of all subjects under the sun, is of 
course impossible 

Sir Frederick Bramwell, m a most able and inteicsting lecture at 
Birmingham in 188G, required forty-two pages of closely printed 
paper to state the case as he conceived it It would require fully 
as many pages to state it as it appears to me T am not, I think, 
misrepresenting him, when I give it as his opinion that eveiybody 
else is as bad or worse than we have been represented to be by 
unfavourable critics, and he gives the following instance of the great 
progress which he considers has been made — 

We now have a gun, of 12-inch bore, entirely of steel, weighing 
45 tons — a breech-loader The projectile weighs 714 lbs , its piuzzle 



velocity IS 1,910 feet m % second But still further, we have a gun 
of 110 tons weight, 14 feet long, the weight of the projectile, 
1,800 lbs , the charge of powder, 820 lbs , a muzzle velocitv of 
2,100 feet a second, and a muzzle energy of 55,100 tons Of course 
these results are enormous, and although results somewhat similar 
have been realized by guns belonging to Italy, yet these and all 
other guns are liable to accidents, which Sir »Frederick recapitulates 
and considers inevitable 

I have some results to compare with these, which make one 
hesitate to believe that the intentions of gun manufacturers are 
certain of being realized 

A short history of a smaller gun of from 80 to 81 cwts in 
weight, and 6-inch bore, will serve to show When the reluctance 
of the Admiralty to adopt breech-loaders for the Navy was over- 
come, a brecch-loading guii was designed by the Royal Gun Factory, 
to weigh about 80 cwts , and shortly afterwards 77 guns of this 
pattern were ordered to be made Adopting a design is technically 
called scaling it Tins design was sealed by the Oidnance Com- 
mittee, who did so, stitmg at the time that they had had no 
opportunity of considering the design This pattern was to fire 
50 lbs of Pno 2 powder, with a projectile weighing 100 lbs and a 
muz/le velocity of 2,000 feet in a second Circumstances occurred 

pi oof and upon the trial of an improved pattern, Mark II , of 
this gun, which induced the committee to i educe the powder charge 
from the first intention of 50 lbs to 38 lbs , and the initial velocity 
fell of eoursc to 1,811 feet per second Now, a similar gun had 
been procured from the Els wick Company, which, witli three pounds 
less of powder, h^ut given a muzzle velocity of 1,900 feet in a second ^ 
So much for improved patterns, and performance matched with 
promii^ Yet after this the War Office, with the consent of the 
Admiralty, decided to continue the manufacture of 6-incli guns on 
the same pattern as the one I have described above One of 
these guns was supplied later to the Active^ and burst on board 
No satisfactory reason was found for the occurrence Another of 
these 6-mch guns, with 100 lb projectile, having burst at Shoe- 
buryness, the charge was again reduced to 31 lbs , and the muzzle 
velocity to 1,690 feet per second The cost of all the guns ordered 
on this pattern, which produced such deplorable results, is stated to 
have been upwards of £100,000 

The description of the new pattern 12-in bore gun which I have 
quoted from Sir F BramwelFs lecture as the piesent gun, is all but 
identical (except that it is not made of steel) with the guns supplied 
to the Collingwood, with what result the public is already aware* 
Guns of that pattern are withdrawn from issue until they are 
strengthened by hooping If we wish to see the difference betireen 



gun-makmg on scientific and unscientific principles, we have only 
to turn to the guns manufactured by Sir Joseph Whitworth, especially 
to the unrivalled performances of one of his 9-in breech-loaders m 
August 1883 

He has for many years called the attention of the Admiralty 
and W^ar Office to the result of his experiments, to the metal he 
employs (called fluid steel), to the resisting power of his projectiles, 
to his mode of rifling, and to everything in short that builds up the 
power of a modern gun That Sii Josephus views and opinions were 
not those of a mere theorist, is evidenced by the history of his life , 
they were those, on the contrary, to which he had arrived by study 
and experiment applied to^ eminently practical results As an 
illustration of what has been said befoie, I will give a comparison 
between two nearly similar pieces of ordnance, one manufactured by 
Sir Joseph for the Brazilian Goiernmcnt, the other by W’^oolwich for 
the armament of the haptneuse and Wai spite Both guns were 
breech-loaders — the Whitworth all steel, the W'^oolwicli a steel tube 
with iron and steel coils The calibres of tht guns were slightly 
difterent, as was also the weight ^ The Whitworth projectile of steel 
weighed 103 lbs , the Woolwich was of chilled Palliser metal, and 
weighed 380 lbs The charge of powder was — Whitworth, 107 lbs , 
Woolwich, 190 lbs The calculated penetration at 1,000 yards into 
inches of iron was — Whitworth, 20 7 , Woolwich, 10 6 , the actual 
penetration at a target distant 70 feet waa — AVhitwortb, about 
23 inches of iron The W oolwicli gun did not undergo that ordeal 

Sir William Armstrong's Company claim, it is true, though lu my 
opinion on quite untenable grounds, to have equalled oi surpassed 
the effects of this Whitworth gun Without atitjittmg all that he 
puts forward, it certainly appears that there arc two firms in England 
to whose productions the Woolwich guns are inferior in ever^siiigle 
point that gives value fo a weapon 

Comments on the facts related above aie not required they 
speak for themselves As to the responsibility for the design of large 
guns, a Surveyor-General of Ordnance stated m the House of Com- 
mons, in a very qualified manner, that the Ordnance Committee was 
responsible for the designs of naval guns , and wc weie told by Mr 
Campbell-Bannerman that the responsibility of approving or i ejecting 
a gun rests with the Secretary of State for War that is, in all 
probability, with a person profoundly ignorant of every pait of a 
most special and comiilicateii subject Is it not reasonable to sup- 
pose that if, every year, attached to this portion of the Army Estimates a 
report was drawn up, as I have suggested, for the Admiralty advisers, 
dealing in a similar manner with expenditure, estimates, and results, 

* The calibre of the A\hitworth gun was 9 05 ins , that of the Woolwich gun 9 22 ina^ 
The first weighed 20, the second IB tons 



and giving full explanations of the acts of the Ordnance Committee 
and their reasons, signed by some person who would stand before 
Parliament as really responsible^ we should never again have a record 
of ^failure such as has only been very partially disclosed by what has 
been stated in these pages '' 

I find that I have no space left to gi\e even a summary of our 
position with regard to fortifying and increasing^ the number of our 
coaling stations, and so giving that mobility to our fleet without 
which it cannot pretend to defend either our colonies or our com- 
merce Lord Carnarvon's letters to the limes are, however, a very 
valuable epitome of a histoiy of neglect, grievous and almost un- 
paralleled, and the subject must be left for future discussion I 
should ha\e the greatest confidence that, it \ie ensured the reform 
in the Admirilty and War Office indicated in these pages, and 
shown to be indispensable by the eirors and failures that have; 
followed unreformed administration, we should soon make up 
for lost time Every reader who has followed me thiough this 
long and painful history will, I hope, do me the justice to believe 
that, while I advocate with all my power the efliciency of the 
Navy, I am equally as strong in my advocacy of economy , in fact, 
one depends upon the other Past ^ears and long study of the sub- 
^ject have convinced me that, if we fail to practise Lcouomv, the rough- 
^ud-ready way ot the public will be to cut off a lump sum of a 
milliou or two from the grants asked for, and leave the cfhciency of 
the Navy to take care of itself I oikc more repc it that there can be 
no security for economy, and tlicreforc for cflicieucy, so far as the 
Navy IS concerne(Ljj)h;hout good finance, complete publicity, and 
individual respqju|Mrty to Parliament How to attain these it has 
been ray objeetto show, and I have perfect corihdcnce that sooner or 
later these methods, or their equivalents, will be adopted by the 
wisdom of Naval administrators, and sancti04ed by the authority of 

Rob SpE^CLR Robinson 



W ITH slow but suie steps, fiee from great and risk} tioubles, Italy 
continues her task of domestic reoiganizition I ast June saw 
the opening of hci sixteenth Parliament The new Chamber, fiesh 
from the elections of the ‘23id of May, assembled m the same month of 
June at IMontccitoiio, simply, it may be said, to give a vote of confi- 
dence to the C ibiiK t of Signor Depretis, who, on the occasion of the* 
provisional rc\iew of the 33udget, gained a majority of sixty-seven votes 
Membeib then sepai ited foi the usual summer holidays They met 
again on the 2 did of Novcnibei, and are now engiged m discussing the 
Budget in det 111 Nothing of note has taken pi ice to interrupt the 

debite, with the evccption of an interpellation on the foicign policy of 
the Ministi} , that gave rise to some im^ioitant j^eclarations on the part 
of Count di Robilant, which have made the tour dlBij^ropc 

It IS the general opinion in Italy that, unless events take some 
extraordinary turn, the present Legislature will be the quietest and 
most peaceful we have had since the year 1S60 None, indeed, of those 
great politico «^ocial questions that so profoundly stir the minds of men 
loom above the horizon The pi ejects of law, and the measures of 
reform, which the ^Iinistry have caused the King to announce to the 
Chamber, in Ins ‘=pecch at the opening of Parliament are all of an 
administrative or regulative chaiactci, or aim at improvements in the 
Civil Stjrvice, and are scarcely, it at all, of a political complexion, while 
all parties, without distinction, are agreed upon then utility and 
necessity, differing only with respect to certain points of detail Of 
the measures in question, the principal are the following — Re- 
organization of the Ministries, involving, among other things, the 
creation, in addition to that of a Ministry of the Presidency and Under 
Secretanatst of State, of a new Ministry, that of Posts and Telegraphs, 
and a Ministry of the Treasury subordinate to that of Financ^, a 
project of reform of the provincial and communal law, destined to in- 
troduce a much-wanted order into the administration and finances of the 
communes of Italy , a measure for the reorganization of loan societies, 
the reform of the laws providing for public safety, the reform of 


tlie judiciary and the magistracy, the refoim of the universities,, and, 
lastly, the so-called social laws — such^ as the Bill to enable workmen 
to claim compensation for injuries received in the course of their 
en^loyment, a ifcasure which has alieady been subjected to the 
or^al of the Chambei and the Senate, but to which ^ has not so 
far been found jpossible to give a statutory form, owing*o the many 
difficulties inherent in the subject All these projects, I repeat, 
meet, in principle, with the approval of the groat majority of the 
Chamber, and do not appeal likelv to ti cubic the waters of Montecitono, 
and^biing about a shipwreck of the Depretis Cabinet, which need only 
dread such domestic difficulties and incidents as cannot be foreseen and 
may at any time crop up But neitliei in this quaitcr does the danger 
appear gieat, still less near at hand The countiy enjoys just now a 
tianquillity which leaves little to be desired, in expression, however, not 
to be taken in too absolute a sense, foi heie and tlicic in Italy signs 
are not wanting of bad feeling and discontent, as has been recently 
shovm by the electiou of sueli men as the madman Coccapieller at 
Kome, of the libellei SbarTaro at Pavia, and of the homieide condemned to 
hard 1 ibour, Amilcare Cipiiani, at Ravenna and at Foili These, how- 
ever, aie local exjilosions, explicable on special local giounds In general, 
the countiy niaj^ be said to be tranquil and well-disposed rather than 
otherwise, nor is there anything that seiiously threatens the public 
peace or the stability of oui institutions Foi our domestic evils and 
defects, all, one may say, of a mciel} administiative kind, the country trusts 
to the wisdom of Pailnment and the Government tp find a lemedy 
T im of opinion that the meiit attaching to this sufficiently satisfactoiy 
political situation belongs to Signor Depretis It ib, in tiuth, the 
reflection of an impioved pailiamentary situation, due to the establish- 
ment of a majority that has shown itself sufficiently homogeneous, 
stable, and inclined to support the Premier in the realization of his 
progiammi And this fact is the moie iinpoitant and siguificant, in 
that it IS no meie plienoraenoii of a simply transitory natuie, the result 
of a successful stroke of parliameutaiy tactics, but is essentially of a 
lasting and permanent charactei, answering not only to actual 
parliamentary conditions but gencially to ^the plainest tendencies 
of political thought in Italy In this lespeet the fact of winch I am 
speaking is highly characteristic of our domestic polities, and would 
form the subject of a most interesting studv In my formci reviews, I 
have had no occasion to do more than touch upon this point , I shall 
now enlarge upon it, but as briefly as possible 

Up to the 18th of May, 187 6, Italy was governed by the Right, which 
rendered to the country the immortal service of completing its unity 
with the addition of Rome and Venice, and placing upon a footing of 
equilibrium the national finances, which, duiing the preceding decade, 
had shown an annual deficit of about 500,000,000 francs But on the 
18th of May, 1876, the Ministry fell, and not upon a question that 
was really a political one The matter m debate was the Railway 
question The then Cabinet, of which the late Signor Minghetti was 
the head, with the intention of systematizing the administration of 
Italian railways, biought forwaid a Bill for their assumption by the 
State The Lett voted against the measure, as it was m the habit of 
treating every^ proposal of the Government, political or non-pohtical, 
and placed the Ministry of Minghetti m a minority It was thus that 



the Left came into power But what gave a special ^haraclei and 
importance to the vote was the {Refection it revealed of a section of the 
majoiity which until then had supported the Ministry of the Right A 
srroup of deputies among whom were some of gysat influence, hUe 
RicjcoJi and^eiuzzi, repiesentnig chiefly Tuscan constjituenciesr— or all 
the pioviiices Tuscany was the one most opposed to theories of admini- 
strative centralization and to any excessive extension of the fuiu lions 
of the State — joined their vote to that ot the Left It was m this manner, 
1 lepeat, that the Left came into power, and found itself pledged, upon 
the lailway question, then and afltiwaids one of tlie gieatcst importance 
in the coiintiy, to a maintenance of the existing sjstem ot pnvate 
contiol On this question the Left was suppoited bj miny influential 
members of the Right But the consequences of this identity of opinion 
on the riilw ly question between the Left and ccitiin dissidents of the 
Ritjht did not show themselves for miny ycai« 

The Left acceded to powei undti the leidciship of Depietis, hut with 
the exception ot the Picmiti, i man veised in public busiiuss who had 
been Garibakh^s vicc-dictatoi in Sicily, Minister under Ritta/zi m 
I8b2, and a mcinbei of the Cabimt of llicisoli m 1S6G, tlic Ministry, 
incTuding iMicoUia at the Ministiy of the Intel loi, and Migliani, at 
the Ministry ot Finame** — who was known for his Economic studies, 
published in the I^vuut Antolotjat, the best ind most widtlyciicu- 
latod of Itilian Reviews — consisted of men altogcthti new to oflSce 
Nor could Sionoi Dcpicti^ have chosen otheiwisc, foi the Left com- 
prised no politicims iccnstomtd to public business or possessed of 
recognised idministr itivc capacity lienee the Right ippcaied to 
have fite play in Pailiameiit The Left, iii posscs'sion ot the Govern- 
ment, could not but commit cirois upon (rrois, with i little 
patience and adroitness the Right might have picsscd llicii opponents 
into a corner, ind taken advantage ot some good opportunity to o\ei- 
throw them Ifowevci, the possession of powci is in itself i foiee — 
heati ' Iho Left gi ulually gaimd stability in oflicc and 

sympathy in the couiiti} On the other hand, the Right, botli m the 
beginning and ifterwMids, appe ired incapilih ot following anv policy 
except that which the Ltit had jncMously pursued when in opposition — 
the policy, that is, ot criticism and of confiiling action within the limits 
of meio negation They bi ought foi ward no political progi mime m re- 
lation to which the party might rally itself, and on which they might 
seek to regain power Led without eneigj and without fiith by its 
chiefs, Minghetti and Sella, the Right giadually lost confidence m 
itself In shott, the process ot its dissolution continued, and men saw 
a paity that had, one may say, made Italy, and in whose lanks weie to 
be found men of weight, such as Spaventi, Minghetti, Visconti Venosta, 
Sella, Bonghi, withdraw itself fiom the field ot polities, leaving fiee action 
to a party winch had come to power without experience of public atlaira, 
almost without prepiration foi the business ot goveinment At the 
present day the Right party in the Parliament of Italy no longer exists 
Such an abdication ot its piiiKiples ind of its gloiious past by the 
Right must be regietted It w xs i renuiieiatioii of its future, but 
petbaps it was an inevitable deeei‘-e, the extinction of a party that 
had exhausted its stock of ideas, whoso members m consequerdto 
were obliged to seek fot a political exibtence in fresh combmatiotis. 



and endeavour to hud m new chemical affinities — if I may use the 
expression the conditions of their public life The question was a 
gi eat one I remember, m relation to it, that before the advent of 
power, there was much talt, bv no means destitute 
of foundation, of a contemplated coalition between the chief ot the 
liigbt. Sella, and one of the leaders ol the Left, Nicotera, with the 
object of uniting all the roundest and least heteiogeneous elements ot 
both sides of the Chambei to form a new maj on tv, capable of giving 
stability to the Government and a vigorous impulse to legislative 
action Various causes inteifeied to pi event the realisation of tins 
pioject, but its existent e is a proof that long before Signor Depretis 
effected his so called transfoirnation the netd was ilrcady recognized 
by the paitus of gicatest influence in the Chamber of providing for the 
formation of a parliamentary base more leasonable, moie him, and more 
assured But a presentment of the facts will best explain the course 
of iffaiis 

Signor Depretis, on assuming the Government in March 1876, 
declared tin principal points of liis programme to be — refoim ot the 
electoral law, abolition of the forced paper cuircncy, a law of com- 
pulsory education , and indicated vaguely the necessity of reforming 
the system of taxation in a sense favourable to the poorer classes, with- 
out, however, affecting the equilibiium attained in the Budget with 
bO much laboiii In addition. Signor Depretis gave out, in respect of 
the railway question, lliat the Ministry had drawn up a measure on the 
basis of puvate control Here was a political programme that con- 
tained nothing alaiming for any paify The announcement of electoral 
lefoi m was received without dist iste even by the Right, for the conviction 
was general that the electoral law required to be reformed in a more liberal 
sense As to the pioject of taxation refoim, which might have been con- 
sidered as a threat of Radical Icgi^^htion m the matter ot imposts, the 
declaration was qualified by the Ministerial announcement that for the 
moment not a single lira of taxation would be abolished, and that no con- 
liibution would be annulled without full compensation to the revenue 
being otherwise provided But during the two years it lasted the first 
Depietis Cabinet was able to realize little or nothing ot the programme 
with which it started In March 1878 the Ministry fell, not upon a vote 
of the Chamber, but solely on account of the Ministiy no longer feeling 
itself master of tlie parhamentaiy situation 

Povv^r, however, did not pass to the Right, but Signor Cairoli became 
Premiei From 1870 to 18S1 Cairoli and Depretis alternately took 
each other^b place, precisely as the chiefs of the Right, Menabrea, Lanza, 
MinghQ^.ti, had previoiibly done The Left becoming more and more 
« discontented with its leadeis, whom it had borne to power, at last voted 
against them, but such, nevertheless, were the political combinations of 
the time, that the Right never entered into the heritage For the rest, 
Cairoli aqd Depretis were agieed upon the mam points of the Left pro- 
gramme, always excepting one of great importance, whicl^in the eventj 
brought about a schism in their party, and on which I shall have presently 
to enlarge Only it must be said that Cairoli, whose instincts were of a 
most markedly popular character, and who«5e ideas were tinctured with 
Radicalism, urged his projects of reform with greater vigour than 
Depretis » 



And, in fact, one of the first acts of his administiation was to cause 
Ins Minister of Finance, Seismit-Doda, to intioduce a Bill for the 
ibolition of the gust- tax, t.s mtiodnctory of the contemplated trans- 
formation of the system of taxation The proposition, couched in no 
vague teims as in the Beprctis-programme, but plainly and definitely 
worded, struck the Right and various other parties in the Ghambei with 
consternation The country had long been accustomed to the tax, which 
produced a net return to the State of seventy millions of fiancs, itb 
incidence had bee n settled with inlinite labour and pains and at con- 
siderable cost, and its immediate repeal appealed in the highest degree 
• imprudent, all the more so m that the conditions of the Budget, but just 
brought to an equilibrium, did not jet allow of such a relief being 
granted to the taxpayer But the Left had promised the countiy the 
abolition of the tax, and was anxious to keep its woid, and, at the same 
time, gam an easy populaiity The grist-txx fell on all classes of con- 
sumers of floiii, and hence was specially felt by the pooi, on which 
account it had been baptized tlie hiingei-tax In v an Sella, who had 
been the author of the tax, besought the Chambei not to accepf>a 
measure which threatened again to open the yawning gulf ot deficit in 
the Budget lie was not listened to, and the ibolition was carried by 
230 votes against 77 v 

If ever theie was a moment when the Right ought to hive dis- 
played firmness and shown a united front, it was assuredly now 
The gnst-tax constituted one of the main pivots of the financial 
admmishation ot tfie Right, and it cannot be denied that the Bill of 
Seismit-Doda, although it was to come into operation gradually, and 
not at once, was ot a somewhat revolution iry character No doubt, it 
was intended to fill up the deficiency, which the abolition of the tax 
would cause m llie Budget, by an increase of the taxes on articles 
of what IS called voluntary consumption — such as sugar, coffee, 
alcoholic liquors, &c , and fuithcr, the product of almost ill the re- 
maining taxes continually increased, circumstances which prevented 
the abolition of the tax from being followed by any of the evils which 
many dreaded is its consequences But I repeat that, at the time when 
the abolition was proposed and voted, the proceeding was of a rather 
revolutionary character, and the fact that only seventy-seven deputies of 
the Right could be found to support Sella on the question proves that 
already the germs of impotence and dissolution were in course of active 
fermentation in that party — germs that daily acquired desfi active 
strength With the Left the abolition of the gn&t-tax was motived 
by a desire for popularity, but not a few Deputies of the Right also 
might be reproached with withholding their support fiom a hateful and 
hated law mainly to escape unpopularity 

The consistency of the Right was put to even more marked proof m 
the course of the discussion on electoral reform This measure too was 
proposed by the Cairoli Cabinet, I believe m November 1878, but ihe 
debate upon did not take place until the session of 1881 I have 
already said that even to the Right electoral reform was not distaste- 
ful Why, indeed, should it have been so ^ In Italy, one may say, 
there is no distinction of classes, or, if there be any, it is infinitely less 
pronoanced than in other countries The Italian ^Parliament is a 
leflectioD, of pourse, of this state of society Possibly the Bight com- 



pi^s more deputies notable by reason of thoir vealtb, social position, 
or aristocratic title than the Left, bat not, assuredly, to the extent of 
creating a sense of <?pecial interests, or a disposition to exceptional *md 
priyilege-preserving legislation A deep feeling of devotion to the 
liberal and patriotic monarchy which governs ns i cigns equally on both 
sides of the Chamber, md what diBercnces these may present are 
wholly of temperament, in that, namely, the Right is moic pionounccd 
in itsdesiie foi puohc ordei and political slibility than the Left 

III this the whole diveifaitj seems to me to consist It was this fact 
that led the picsent Minister of Public Woih'?, Sigi oi Gcnali, iii the 
course of the discussion on elector il refoim, to say tint in Italy there is 
111 truth no Conservative party I tnuiL the expression was just 
Hence the Right had no ob)eetion m principle to reform, it srmply 
desired the extension of the sufFiige in a diftcient sense fiom that m 
which it was proposed by the Minx^stry 

The old electoial liw m Italy wis biscd essentially upon a tax-assess- 
ment that was rithei high — forty francs in the yeai — and under it the 
number of electors amounted to 628 000 The new law, which was in 
a sneciil sense the outcome of the labouis of Signor Zinardelh, who 
defended it afterwards as Minister of Grace and Justice, took foi the 
basis of the suffi age the ciicumstance of having attended a certain 
"*lass of elcmentaiy school, where leading and wilting weie taught, 
y her with a little arithmetic and goographj Here liy the mam 
point of dispute between Right and Left, the formei adhering ob- 
stinately to a ta\-snffiagc, the latter to an educational one, but on both 
sides opinions were far tiom being m harmony is to tlie quantum of 
the basis of either suffrage lo speak only ot the Right, Mingliotti, 
for “instance, wislied to reduce the qualification to ten fiancs, winch 
would have given the suffrage to about 1,700,000, JJonglu would have 
allowed a vote to all citizens iiisciibed on the tax-rolls if only toi the 
amount of a single lira, which would hive increased the number of 
electors to something like 5,000,000 , others, also membeis ot the lliglit, 
advocated the piinciple of universal suffrage without my pecuniary 
limitations whatever All these pioposals weie rejected by the 
Ministry, who feared they would result m giving a prepondciant in- 
fluence in the elcetions to the least piogressive section of the com- 
munity — the ruial voters To me this tear does not appear to have 
been well founded, and circumstances have shown that the Right was 
equally in error m its apprehension that an educational qualifacation, 
based almost solely upon the elector’s ability to read and wiite, would 
give an ovei whelming preponderance to the moie tumultuous element of 
the town populations, and fill the Chamber with Radicals To conclude, 
the Mimsteiial measure, modified of course m ceitain details but not in 
substance, and having tacked on to it a special law establishing 8 C 7 aUti 
de lidte, passed the Chambei by 202 votes against 116 It gave an 
electorate numbering over 2,000,000 of voters 
It was under this law that the elections took place la the autumn 
of 1882, under conditions extraordinarily favourable to the Government, 
which had given three important reforms to the country — the electoral 
reform itself, the abolition of the forced paper currency, and the repeal 
6f the grist-tax, which last events have shown to have in no way 
imperilled the Budget-equilibriui^ In a^speech made just before the 



elections, Sijynor Depieh'., \1^ho then for the third time presided over a 
Cabinet composed of members of the Left, made some iroportfiftit 
declai liions, which claim notice Aftei having referred to the electoral 
leform just accomplished, Signoi Depretis added that now it was 
necessary to say “ A tuice to politic il lefoiras , let us devote ourselves 
wholly to those administrative lefoims which the country Ins so long 
waited foi The new electonl law has extended henceforth to every 
part of the country the benciits of the suHrage, but has at the same 
time increased the lesponsibilit) and the duty of the Goverijment 
carefully piovide foi the safety of institutions thus placed on a new 
footing, above all, the necessity must be kept in view of maintaiiHDg 
public Older and affording due pioiection to peison and propeity ” 
These expiessions oalltd foith the warmest appioval of the Right, and 
Minghetti himself took occasion to declare tint upon such conditions 
he had no difliuilty in accepting the new programme of Signor 
Depretis llis example was foUoweJ by many othei membeis of the 
party, who without doubt owed then success at the polls to their 
adhesion to the Depretis programme But by this conduct the Right 
gave itself the final blow' as a political party W'e shall understand this 
bettei a little fuithei on 

In the elections of 1S82 Depretis had an enormous majority Besides 
the parties of the Left and Centre, a laige section of the Right virtually 
gave him their support But this majority ^as not homogeneous, lior 
united upon the financial measures contemplated by the Depretis pro- 
gramme, and oie many months had elapsed it was plain tint the work 
of legislation mide no progicss, the majority was, as it was said, 
iffectcd with " plethoia The occision soon presented itself for a split 
to tike place 

I Iiave already mentioned that Signoi Depietis, in respect of the 
programme of the party, was substantially m agicement with Can oh 
and the other leadeis of the Left, but on one important point, never- 
theless, his views weie diffeient fiom theiis This point related to the 
interpietaiioii to be given to the right of meeting and association, and 
to the principle to be followed in the maintenance of public order The 
divergence on this point had alieady shown itself in 1878, when Cairoli 
was Pieinicr, with Zanardelli as Minister of the Interioi Zsuardelli 
was of opinion that the right of meeting and association should be 
subject to scarcely any restraint, and that, as far as the maintenance of 
public ordei was concerned, the Government had no right t 
save when public order was plainly threatened by some overt act 
Under this doctrine of Signor Zanardelh’s, which w'as resumed in the 
maxim “ lepression not prevention,” numberless Republican and other 
unauthorized associations sprang into existence, and things got to such 
a pass that we were threatened with au immediate installation of the 
government of the mob It was while the country was in this con- 
dition that the attempt of Passinante upon the life of the king took 
place in December ol the above-mentioned year 1878, at Naples No 
sensible man ever imagined for a moment that the Cairoli Ministry was 
in any degree whatevei chargeable with complicity in this crime But 
the theories of unrestrained liberty which the Ministry had been in the 
habit of professing could not but fall into disrepute amidst the clamour 
of public indignation which the outnsge aroused in the country* The 

life and thought in ITALY 


maitei was, of couise, bi ought before Parliament, and the Cairoh 
Ministry was overthrown upon an ordei of the clay moved by Deprctis 
mmsdr, in which, while it was admitted that the Government ought to 
maintain inviolate the lights of public meeting and association, the 
equally bound to defend public order by a strict application 
of the law ” In this discussion Depittis, in substagee, urged the 
necessity of leconciling the exercise of politic il rights with the greatest 
of the lights of the State, the right, lunitly, of self-conscivation 
^ It wis just upon a question ot this kind that in May, 1883, the 
niajontj of^plethoii issuing fiom the elections o( 188‘2 was leiit m 
* twain, and the singulaiity ol the case hy in the oiicuinstaiice that 
Sigiioi Ueprctis Ind then loi las colleague is Ministei of Giacc and 
Justice the same 7 unrdelli whose theories he had opposed in 1 878 
The ext|foncies of politicb and the tyiaiiny of paity olten impose similar 
inconsistencies In Ali}, 188 3, then, among ceitan groups of the 
Left, suspicions nose is to the teiidtncies of tho Cabinet piesided over 
by Signor Dt prcti®, suggested by tho idvanecs in ide to him hy many of the Right, imong whom weio some ot the leaders of that 
party Sigiioi Nicotoia biought loiwaid a motion openl} distrustful o^ 
tho Miiiistiy, and, logethti with othei members dlT the Left, entered 
upon a *'C\cro icview ot the polioy, espeei illy of the domestic policy of 
tho Goveinment, aimed at Signoi Deprctis himsell The most was 
made of f lets, rt il oi supposed, ind the most triviil incidents were used 
to throw suspicion upon the Liboialisra of the Government Sfioitly 
before demonstritions hid taken place in various Itilian towns with 
hflTcient objects, but especially in honour ot the Irredentist Obei- 
dauk, condemned to death foi an attempt upon the life of the Emperor 
of Austiia, and in favour of the repeJ of the Law of Guarantee, and 
the Government liad been obliged to disperse meetings as well is to h ive 
recourse to other lepressive measuie*^ Signor Depietis energetic dly 
defended his policy, urging the necessity foi tho Govcriiraeiit to mun- 
tnn puldic ordei at any cost, in dffeicnce to the law itself, and to inter- 
national duties But two mcmbcis of the Cabinet were personally 
inteiested in tins question, Zinaidelli ind Biceaiini, both adveanced 
Progicssist®, who, piecisely because they weie so, had been specially 
aimed at by several speakers of the Right They could not, of course, 
remain silent, and it was soon evident, fiom what they said, that they 
did not view the adhesion of the Right to the programme of Signoi 
Depretis with the same amiability and satisfaction as Signor Depietis 
himself They wcic inxious to be ind to show themselves, above all, 
party men and, out of a feeling of loyalty to their party, were unwilling 
to cla«-p hands with men who, if they were no longer then adversaries 
today, might agun become so to-morrow But the Chamber, by a 
large majority, accepted the views of Signoi Depretis, and approved an 
order of the clay (May 19, 1883), which expiessed full confidence in the 
Liberal policy of the Government It was iii consequence of this vote 
that Zanaidelli and Biccaiini resigned then portfolios Thus the former 
majority became divided, and a now one was constituted, comprising 
members from both sides who suppoitca the Depittis Cabinet And it 
IS with the help of tins majority, uncertain and wayward as it has at 
tidies shown itself to be, that Signoi Depretis has carried on the Govern-^ 
meat up to the present time 
kot LI 




In this review of pist events I have dwelt upon them at some length, 
because the parliamentary situation, which i<? then outcome, is an im- 
portant lact, ind one which I believe to be chancteribtic of political 
life in Italy The "transformation ” of Signor Depretis has been much 
criticised, the epithets faithless and political lenegide have been applied 
to him, and tUoie is no leproach, accusation, oi vituperation winch his 
former fiiends have spaied him, but the mattei, vie\ ed in its true 
piopoitions, simply imounts to this — thit Signoi Depretis sought to 
creitc conditions ot liomogciieoub existence as a bi&is loi the execution 
of i piogiamme that had been accepted b} both Left and Right He * 
thus leah/cd ideis that had picviousl^ been shadowed foith in the * 
antecedent attempts at i coalition between Sclli and Nicotcia Given 
the Democratic basis of Italian political institutions, a basis which is in 
harmony with vhe profoundly Democratic nature ot Italnn «?oeie#v itselt, 
there IS no loom in my opinion, foi iny distinction ol Right ind Left 
in the Italiin Puliiment, in the dehnik sci se, at ill events, winch 
attaches to these teims when ipplied, foi mstincc, to parliameutaiy 
paities in France md England It is for this leason tint I ngud tlu 
tiansformation that took phee in the Italian Puliament in AI ly 1SS3, 
as a fact of an essentially permanent and not ot i tian^-itoiv nature 
With the aid ol his new majoritv Signoi Depictib h is bu ii iblc to pass 
through the Chambci some of the nnpoitnit nicasiiics innouuc< d m his 
programme Much still k inairis to be done eouiplckly to leilizc it 
but sdeh are tne conditions of Pailiament ind the coiintiy that it may 
be permitted to hope tint this ti^k will be iceomphshcd daring tin 
session which opemd i few months back 

One of the most impoitant points of thi> progiammc, anci one whirli 
it has not liitheito been found possible to execute, piineip illy tnrongh 
the confusion and iincei taint) of the piiliameiitaiv '^•itiiatioii, Ind lola- 
tion to the systematization of Itiliui i iilways Jt Ins been mentioned, 
above that it was upon this question that the Right fell in March 1^76 
The Left m consequence of the vote of the LSlh of tint month found 
itself pledged to the continuance of thepiivato s}stem of idrninistration^ 
and 111 fact a law, of June 29 following, eomptlled the Government to 
introduce a railway bill based upon that system llowevci, in 1878, 
Signoi Caiioh thought it well to lelei the question to i paihimentary 
committee of inquiry The committee, aftci moie than four yeais^ 
labour, came to the conclusion that the piivafe system was the pre- 
ferable one There was no longei, therefore, any need to lose time in 
continuing the provisional lailway adnuiustiation, which hid been some‘ 
eight years in existence, and which had worked inhnitc hum to the'" 
public interests Signor Gcnala, of the Centre, was nominated Minister 
of Public Woiks m June 1883, in the place of Baccirini, and was charged 
with the preparation of a lailwiy measuie on the basis of private 

The railway question, one of importance in all countries, is one of the 
greatest importance in Italy, beeau'^e with us it not merely involves 
economical considerations and touches material interests, but falls inevi- 
tably and properly within the province of Government As I have 
already said, when the Right Cilnnet introduced its Bill estab- 
lishing ^ State control of railways, dissensions arose iii the party, ending 
in the secession from \t of a group of influential deputies The latter 



objected to followmir the Government on a railway policy that in their 
opinion changed the true nature of the Italian State, m which the 
administrative functions of the Government ought to be kept within the 
narrowest possible limits, and not pushed to an extreme as could not 
bat be the case were the State to assume the administration of a g^eat 
railway system The question excited great feeling, and was discussed 
with special interest in Tuscany, wheic the ti iditions of private action 
and of administrative decentralization weie more powciful than else* 
wheic In Tuscany, in fact, hid spuing into existence the “Adam Smith 
Society,” winch ohaiged itself with the defence of piivatc entei prise 
against the attuKsot that “ State-idohitrj which was lightly legaided 
as a foieign importation, not suited to the genius of the Itah in people 

This kind of aignmcnt, which was most gciici illy idopted and went 
to the root of the matter, icquiied fiesh force icom a considciation of 
the conditions undei which the piiharaentiiy regime obtains imong us 
These are such that i Government eontiol ot rxilways must not maely 
fundamentally change the natuie ot the State, hut must prove the rum 
of the parliament 11 V ‘'jstem as well Owing to a v iriety ot causes, 
which this IS not the place to eiiumciate, the public administration 
depends to some extent, in Italy, upon politics — that is, upon the 
deputies who handle politics Under pailiimcntaiy conditions such 
as these we may imigine what would happen it tlio Chambei had 
to deal ;ivith qucotions of time-tables and tariffs, to look after the 
purchase of miteruls, the Qigagenient ot functionaries and work- 
men — nioie than a handled thousand pcisons find employment upon 
tlm Italian railways — ind ' concern itself with all the otliei details 
of so vist in idmiuistr ion as tint of the railway system of a 
gieit country 1 know L ic of the results of Stati lailway control in 
other countiies wheic it obtuns, and which, at the same time, enjoj 
parliament iry govtinment, hut ot this I ira sure ihit in Itily the con- 
sequences of Stite control could not fail to be most irijuiioiis , questions 
ot lailwav administiation would be tinned into politic il quc'^tioiis, to be 
le-ochocd ill the Cliambei to the hindruicc of the leally useful and 
propel woik ot Pailiament, and the finances and the goner il interests of 
the Stitc would in like mannei suffer thiough the action ot a variety ot 
evil influences xnd the ^ce-siw jday of pirty polities I once asked a 
memboi of the It ilian Senate, who has made i iilvvi} business the study 
of Ins hie, if he tliought it possible effectively, to organize a State 
control lie icphed, “ Yes, it the oiganizition were outside of all Par- 
liamentary inlhicnces , on this condition, which is a dream, State control 
might be «^ucctssfiil ” 

Considerations of this kind gamad the day in the Italian Parliament 
Thc’“ 1 iilway conventions,” which the Ministei Genah ha(j, made with 
certain Italian bank*?, were accepted b} a parliamentary mijoiiiy ot forty- 
nine votes Blit tbe stiiiggle was a long one , the debate lasted several 
months The leidersof the Lett, the members of the famous ‘VPen- 
taichy,” opposed them as a matter of course, covering the inconsistency 
of thou action by diiecting their opposition, not against the system of 
private control, which they had accepted, but against the terms and 
clauses which the Mirlistei of Public Works had agreed to in his con 
ventions with the banks It is worthy of notice that the conventions 
were accepted even by many of the principal members of the Right, such 

u 2 


as Bonglu and ilinglicLti, althongli the latter had brought in a State 
ControfBill in 1870 His acceptance, however, was due to special 
political coiisidti itions Other eminent members of the Kight, as 
Spaveiiti md Lu7/ili, idhcud obstinately to the system of State control 
It w IS on the occasion of the vote in favour of the Railways Conventions 
th it the new in ijority of the 1 0th of May, 1883, for the fust time declaied 
it'-tif n|n)n a question of importance 

Anotlicr important matter detcimined by the Italian Parli imcnt in 
tilt last sismon of the late Logishturt was the reorgani/ition of the 
s^btem of land taxation on the basis of cqiializ ition During the 
twenty-five yeuis that had elapsed since the foundation of the kingdom 
of Ital), no equili/ation of the ti\ on real pioperty had been effected 
in the different piovinces Exth ot the old Italian States had its own 
s) stern of lind taxation, founded upon different a‘?sossments Even now 
tliert are twent\-two modes of asse^^sment in Italy By leason of this 
divei&ity of asst^'sment, the bouthein provinces of Niples md Sicilj and 
Tuscan) wcie sulqeet to a less burdensome contiibution than the othci 
provinces, and especially than those of the noith, which were the mo«5t 
hea\il) biudcned oi ill This inequality of the tax on le il pioperty 
had engaged the ittcntion of the Italian (joveinment fiom the dite of 
the constitution of the kingdom, and, m fact, from ISbl the Goveinment 
had been pledged to bung a diaft Bill on the subject before Pxiliaraent 
Bat this diift Bill, notvvithst Hiding the urgency winch justice to the 
vaiious propiieior«5 ot lind in It ily inipiessed upon the rncasuie, was 
never in tioduced on account of the ft ar that was felt tint to bung it 
forward might iiouse eoniliets ot inteiests between the difteicnt pio 
Vinces of the kingdom, more especi ill) between those of the north and 
south, which might have given occasion to a locil antagonism dangeioiis 
to the national unity But so unjust and abnormxl in an ingemtnt of 
the land-tax could no longei be toloiated The prelimiudiy study of 
the question occupied seveial >ears, it was pushed on with greater 
\igour and xvas completed by a diaft Bill in consequence of the di<^cns- 
sions raised by the igrarian crisis w Inch occurred during the session ot 
J 884, discu«JSionb which brought to light the distressed state of Italian 
igriculture, paiticularly in tlie noi them piovinces, where the burthen ot 
tiie tax was heaviest 

It would be to exalt overinueli the pitriotism of the Italian depuiiOB 
to claim that in judging the Ministeiial scheme ot equalization they 
were actuated solely by a desire to pioniote the general good of the 
country Consideiatioiis aiising out ot the particular conditions in 
which the eleetoiales found theIn<^elves in respect of the proposed law 
exercised no doubt an influence on the minds ot their lepresentatives 
And lOrfact^ m the result, the deputies of the south, whcie the tax was 
least burdensome, voted against the scheme, while those of the north, in- 
cluding even many who weie in opposition, supported it by a laige 
majOMty Howevei, the sense of the justice and necessity of the reform 
was so strong m the countiy and iii Pailiament, that it was finally 
earned by a majoiity of 49 vjgtes Neither in the province of Naples 
nor m any othei part of the country did any disorder take place, non 
any of tho«;e outbuists of aiscoiitent which not a few deputies, opposed 
to the reform, had predicted as the consequences of the promulgation of 
the new law The country lemainedj peifeetly tranquil, and a few 



weeks after the parsing of the latv^ of equalisation the Minister*i 
Grimaldi^ Tajani, and Genala, upon visiting many of the eoutherii 
I)rovinceb, found themselves received with delight and enthusiasm 

I must heie add a few words with respect to the law of equalize? tioii 
Its prepaiatiou necessitated, of course, the execution of a new general 
land smvey for the purpose of the tix upon a plan uniform throughout 
the kingdom Heiein, lu tiuth, 1 ly the reil importance of the new law 
The j)riiiciplc upon which the survey was to be cairied out was discussed 
xt gitat length Tlie Mimsleiial scheme giined the da} They pio- 
posed i geomctucxl suivcy, detailed ind valuational By ^ geometiical 
sui\ey was meant one which should give the mcdbure, with the area, 
boundaiies, and outline of each holding, the expiession detailed 
signified that a plan of each entire tenement belonging to a single 
proprietor was to be given, as in the*paiisli and municipal surveys 
of England, but on a different scale , while the \ iluatiori was to 
be based, not on the income denved by the propiictoi fiom hi** 
holding, blit on an assessment made by public appraiseis, aided by 
such rules and legulations as might be needed to enable the real value of 
each holding to be ai lived at Many of those who opposed the scheme 
desired not i geometiical survey but merely a desciiptive one, giving 
only the measuic, at most the area, but not the plan of each holding , 
oilieis favoured a geometiical suivcy, but not a valuational one, pie- 
fciiing the system of allowing each propiictoi to piopose his own assess- 
ment But the superiority of the Groveinmcnt scheme is mcoulestable 
That scheme has the gieat idvantage ot ascei taming accurately, by the 
help of all the moans furnished by science, Hit sptcihc character of the 
holding subject to taxation, as well as oi ascci taming, less accurately 
pcihajis, but m conformity with available lules, its money-return, as a 
basis 01 taxation, thus subscivmg m a most useful mannei, civil, judicial, 
and economical puiposes The survey is expected to take twdvc 
}eais to accomplish, and is to be revised after thiity yeais, during 
the intei val the impiovements made upon pioperties aie not to bf subject 
to taxation 

The Equilization Bill mtioduccd b} the Minister of Finance, Signor 
Magliani, passed the Chambci, as I have mentioned, by a majority of 
forty-nine votes, but I ought to add that the Minister adioitly tacked 
on to it a law which gieatly recommended the me isuie to members, the 
gradual repeal of the so-called war-tax of the "tie decimi” mcorpoiated 
with the land-tax, which meant a difference to the national revenue of 
29,000,000 francs, ibout x fouith of the whole land-tax Fuither, the 
Government with the passing of the new 1 iw came undei ui obligation 
to limit the right of the communes and of the provinces to levy a land- 
tax op then own account in addition to the loyil tax, an additional 
burden on the land which some communes had pushed to the extent ot 
making it heavier than that of the royal tax itself The lesult of these 
measuies was a veiy sensible alleviation of the fiscal burdens upon real 
property , they were the consequences of the promise made by the 
Government, as I have said, duimg the discussion laiscd in 1884 by 
the occurrence of the agrarian crisis To the request of members, 
especially of those representing northern provinces, to relieve the 
agricultural distress, either by a protectionist taiift or by exemptions from 
taxation of the localities where the crisis was moie particulaily felt, oi 



by direct subvention from the Go'v eminent, the Ministiy had replied 
that nothing could he done beyond ibandoning the ‘^tre deeimi^^ to 
relieve the agiicnltuial inteiebt during the development of the Credit 
Foncicr This tliey did, introducing a Bill which was submitted to and 
obtained the nppro\ d of Pailiainent 

Hcic 1 tike occasion to bixy tint Signoi Magluin, in November 
188*3, In\mg to provide for i dehcit of foity millions, brought a 
meiMire befoie Pirliainent, based on a scheme of tax rcfoim, which had 
been advocated by the Left since its aecession to powci m 187G 
Magliani proposed an increase of the duties upon cotfee and sugir, and 
upon the rninufactuie of spiiituous liquor, uticlcs of so-called voluntary 
consumption, oi at leist of less neccssaiy consumption, pioposing it the 
same time to suspend the collection of one of the “deciini of land-tax, 
which wcie to be icpcaled with the passing of the Liw of Equali/ition 
that had not yet been discussed, oi atlcista icduction of the pi ice of salt 
to twenty centesimi the kilogi im Pirliamcnt absented The measure 
was a new pioof ot the <onsidention extended by the leprcscntitivcs of 
the people to the inteicst'j of the less favouied classes of society * 

The Depietis Alinistiy had thus, up to the spiiiig of 18Sb, faiily 
well ictaiiicd tin. suppoit of the majoiity of the P)lh of Miy, ISSJ , but 
on the oth of Much ol tin foimei year, dining the discussion oi the 
so-called Extnoidinuy Budget, i question of confidence wis i used, on 
which the Govern ment obt lined a majority of only fifteen votes The 
debate had been it fust of a mtiely financul charictci Signoi 
Alagliani^s admiuistiatioti had been severely censnied by ccitain 
deputies because it wis believed thii the Budirct hul been seiiously 
wcakeijca and compiomiscd hy gieai enckssness ind laxness in the 
expendituie These censures the Ministiy met victouousl), but in the 
course of the dcbite the question i^sumtd i politic il chanctci, iiid 
ended with a lunsfer of the attack fiom M igliani to bignoi Dcpictis 
himself and the cntiie policy of his (Ubinet Thus the question 
became one ol confidence, and, as 1 hue •-aid, the Ministiy only escaped 
defeat by a majoiity of fifteen votes Lcpietis felt himself so shaken iii 
his position tint he resolved to ippeal to the countiy The elections of 
the 2‘]rd of [May gave him a Chambei which sticngthcncd his position , 
declaiingin his favoui upon the fust appeal to it, in the following June, 
by a majoiity of sixty-seven votes 

What, we may inquire, were the causes of this melting away of the 
Ministciiil majoiity, which, fiom being an cnoimous one, on May 19, 
188d, had dwindled down three years afterw'’aids to the exiguous figure 
of fifteen ? The iiiqmiy is indispcns ible, if vve wish to understand the 
actual parliamentaij situation in Italy, and to estimate the true strength 
of the present Depietis Cabinet 

When, in May 1881, m consequence of the vote of the 19th of 
that month, supervened the eiisis, which resulted in the resignations of 
Zanardelli and Baccaiini, members of the Depietis Cabinet, of advanced 
Piogressist opinions, the Left was completely predominant in that 
Cabinet Besides Depretis, who was Minister of the Intel lor, the Left 
had Mancini (at the Foreign Office), Zanardelli (Grace and Justice), 
Baceaiini (Public Works), and Baccelli (Public Instruction) , of the 
remaining four Ministers, Berti (Agriculture and Commeice) had passed 
over from the Right, and the other three, Feriero (War), Acton 

life and thought in ITALY 


(Marine), and Magliam (Finance), weie rather technical experts than 
politicians Zanardelli and Biccarini were replaced, the fiist by Gian- 
nuzzi-Savelli, i functionary ot the judicial order, new to Parliament, and 
having no veiy dclnnte political opinions, and the bccond by Genala, a 
deputy ot the CVntie 

The Cabinet ln,d thus undergone moditication in a moderate direction 
But Biccelli still icmiincd in the Cibincl, iiul liis icl itions weierathei 
with Caiioli ami with the Muiistcis who h id resigned than with those 
who remained behind Ills piesciicc, theretorc, iii the Ministry thus 
modified w is not agicciblc to many membcis of the new majoiity, and 
particul irly to a gioup of deputies of the Centic whose special organ was 
the lim^njna tU Roma Hcie was the lirst germ of instability and 
of discontent Mith the INlinistry of the raajoiity of May 19 The 
antipath} to Biccdli inci cased when, in Deccmbti lSb3, he biought m 
his raeasuiL loi the icfoini of higher idueation 1 cinuot here explain, 
even biicfly, wli it wis the scheme ot Baccelli^s pioposed leloiin lean 
only mention th it it w is bisi d on the piinciple ot the almost absolute 
freedom of the universities fieedom of teacliiiig, of idministiation, aad 
of disciplim A(coiding to Biccelli'^s project the State was not to 
mteifoie with liighci educition, except in ( onnoction with the contoriino 
of degiecs upon the students But public opinion wms not favour ible 
to the proposal, the univirsitj (oiporitions tlicmselves, ilmost without 
exception, icgaidid it with dislike The notion of fieedom which lan 
thiough the Bill was m general consuleied iither as iihctorical llomish 
th in inything else, uid as deficient in a sense of reality Nevertheless 
the pioposil engigul the attention ot the Chamber foi more than two 
months, but obtained i najoiity of only niiu votes In the Senate an 
amendment wis unde which touched the veiy essence of the pioposal, 
and eventually Bic(elli bccime disci edited in the Ministry lie ind his 
scheme would not have kept then giound but foi the pcisoiial intcivcii- 
tioii in fivoui of both ot Signoi Dcpittis, who dcclaicd that he icgarded 
the Biccelli niejsurc is i Cibmet quc‘'tioii But it became daily more 
evident tint mithci Puliainent noi the coimtiy would in any degree 
entertain il The Cli imbci showed its discontent in the mattci with 
the Ministiy on tlie occasion of the nomination ot a Piesidept, in March 
1881, in the loom ot Signoi Fanni, who had resigned The Govern- 
ment c iiididitc was Siguoi Coppiiio, a incmbci ot the Left, who only 
obtained a small m ijoiity of votes in his (avoui The vote, however, 
was m lealitj iimcd at Baccelli done A ciisis ensued, which gave 
occasion to inothci of the many so called incainazioin^’ of Ufpietis 
Togethei with Biccelli, who was succeeded by Coppino, thiec membeis 
of the Cabinet ot secondary rink lesigncd then portfolios Among 
them was Belli, who himself wds the very inclination or the so-called 
** social legibl itiou which in the past had met with but small success 
in Pailiament, and was not to achieve a better suiccss iltcrwards 

The icsignatioii of Baccelli had the effect of bunging back homo- 
geneity to the Ministiy, and to the majoiity even in a grcatei degree, 
in that, in consequence of the March crisis, Brin had entered the Cabinet 
as Mimstci of Mirine, whose technical and administiative abilities 
were univei sally acknowledged Theie still, however, remained m the 
Cabinet a Minister legaided with little favour by many membeis of the 
majority, especially by the group of Centre dissidents whom I have 




already mcniioned, uid who appeir to have made it their mission to 
act as 1 wedge in the midst of the majority, for the purpose of split- 
ting it m two The Ministci in question, Signoi Mancini, held the 
poitfolio of foreign Affairs 

Signoi M mcini, a biriistcr ot high standing, entered the Depretis 
C'lbinet 111 yi ly ISSl, upon the fill of the Caiioli Ministiy on the well- 
known Tuiiifa question He cntcied, thcieforc, upon the duties of his 
office at anything but a happy moment, uid uiiaci anj thing but favour 
ible luspices Itily wis then in i state of complete ifeolition and it 
was it such a junctuie that on the Mcditeri am an coast a deep wround 
w IS inflicted upon her pride and her interests To Signoi M incini^s eflorts 
V c owe our extrication from this isolation He set on foot and pnimoted 
miicable lelations with Geimany and with Austiia-IIungaiy, put an 
end to the Irredentist agitation, md inspired foieign goveinments with 
renewed confidence in the sinceuty of oui desiie for peace But like 
Caiioli, he was destined to find Ins political tomb in Afiica Manciin 
had alieady declined the invitation of the English Government to com- 
munity of action at Alcxandiii and Cuio This ictnsal did not fail to 
diaw down upon him some censures in Pailnmcnt, but it must rot be 
forgotten that at the time the English oflti was made public opinion in 
Italy was in geiier il unfavoui ible to its accept uif c On the othci h ind, 
Maneiiii showed no hesitation in sending in expedition to the Red Hca 
One day, in Janiiaiy 1885, the Itali in Chanibei u is profoundly igitated 
by the announcement that a oodj of It dim tioops hid left for Assab, 
which they wcie to gaiiison as a pulndc to the occupation of M issowali 
ind Beilul Public opinion on this occasion ippiovcd the letiQii of the 
Ministi) It w IS a moment when in all eouiitnes fei merited ideas of 
colonial entei pi ISO with greatei vigoiii than at any picvious tune ind 
hence we wcie pleased wath an ut which lii'onghl Italy, too, into the 
universal race of ooloni/ation, and lifted us out of the state of ctiCivi 
tion into which, through a corn bi nation of causes, w^o had filleu When 
jMgnoi Mincini ifteiwaids sketched m Paili iinent the motives ind the 
aim of the exjiedition, there was the bettei leason for ippioving the 
Government pohej It was pi im that the objei t of the Italian expedi- 
tion was to co-operate with the English tioops in the Soudin against 
the Mahdi No positive agreement had been enteied into with England, 
but it was eel tain that the Engli*?!! Government, in accordance with the 
declaration made by Lord GianviIIe in the House of Lords m Eebruary 
1885, not only accepted, but accepted with pleasure, the aid of Italj 
As to Italy heisclf, the Red Sea expedition was despatched, not in view 
exactly of the foundation of colonies, as was geneially believed, but as 
a first step towards the rc-establisliment of that equilibrium iii Mediter- 
lanean politics winch, since the Tunis affiir, had been distuibed to our 
prejudice It must be admitted th it to attain this object a somewhat 
lengthy route was chosen, but Italy remembered theCiimean expedition 
which had opened the way to the conquest of her independence, and the 
country was ful^ of hope What happened, howevei, is known to 
eveivone in England Wolseley failed to relieve Goidon,aiid the deter- 
mination of the English upon the fall of Khartoum to withdiaw tionfthe 
bond in cut the sinews of the Italian expedition, ind limited the sphere 
of oar action to Massowah and Beiliil 

The eouisc o£ events in Africa had a disastious influence upon tin** 
parUanientary pobition of Signer Mancini, I do not know to what 



extent^ if at all, Gladstone was held lesponsible in England for the 
failure of Wolseley and his lieutenants But I know that this failure 
was fatal to Sigiioi Mancini, who almost seemed to be cliaiged with the 
disastci because he Iiad not foiesecn it No respite was allowed him, 
the possibility even of things taking such a turn in the Soudan as to 
permit of a iciievvil of the contcmplitcd combined action ot England 
and Italy was not leg iided Interpellation followed upon iiiterp^l ition, 
and Signoi Miucini could only answci that the lied Sea expedition 
was a fust step in tlie way to tint colounl e\pansion which the country 
had sliown its desne to achieve — i fir‘=.t^btcp which would be followed 
by others — but th it mean while patience must be oxeicised This did 
not satisfy Parliimeiit, oi latlici miny members of the Bight and the 
usual gioup of Centre dissidents, who, leknowledgiiio Mincini^s ibility, 
did n^t think him suitcci to the post he occupied, wheic, not to speak of 
Ins other defect^ as a politician, instead of the inodd ition and icseivv. of 
a diploma.tist he di^plajcd the prolixity and ii^^ed the inllated language 
of an advocite It w is not m fiet to the expedition to the Bed Sea, 
nor to the Cabinet which had dc&piUhtd it, tint exception was taken, 
but to the Mimsicr Mancini alone Mincuu was able to muntain his 
position, thanks to the intcivciition of l)epiiti‘-, wlio had more than 
once to dcclaic in Puhament that he and all the Cabinet supported the 
policy of the Foieign Miiiistei, ind that to strike at the laitci wis t# 
stiikc at the whole Alimstiv A like intcivention of Depictis was able 
on two or tliiee occisions to jVrancini But b\ June ISS5, he liid 
become, in i puli tiiicntaiy sense, iltogethei discicdited Jii July, on 
the discussion of the Foieigu Ofliec cxpenditme, he h id a majoiity ot 
one vote only Uepietis w is then obliged to bow befoic the vote ot 
the Chanibei, which desiicd to see his Foicign Ministei saciihccd In 
the place of Maneiui the Count di Hobilanl occupied the Consulta 
The Count wis it tli it time imb iss idoi at Vicaii i, and, although heli id 
not dchmtcl} attxched himself to iny politic il paity, might be icgarded 
IS belonging to the Bight From the two instances I have cited, which 
niikc it sufticicntl^ plain that the capiicc of this oi that gioup of the 
majoiit}' was enough to dislodge a Minister it disliked, it is clear that 
the majoiity itself lacked, if not homogeneity — and homogeneous it ought 
to have been as a party ot one piogramrae — at le ist discipline Noi were 
the examples ot B lectlli and Maiieini w ithoiit paiallels Othei Ministers 
had fallen in the meantime fiom neaily ‘imilar causes — Acton, Bcvti, 
Pcssina, Feiracciu And, with the exception of Manemi, who, after leaving 
the Ministry, remained faithful to Depieti'^, they all turned hostile to the 
Premiei, and made then friends, few or mmy, turn hostile too Many 
deputies of the Bight, ilso, in spite of the example set by Minglietti, 
who continued loyally to support Depretis, and the acccptanc< of a 
portfolio by one of its most influential members, Geneial Bicotti, who, 
in December 18b4, had replaced Geneial lerreio >it the Ministry of 
War, assumed an attitude of hostility towaids Depretis Different 
causes led to this conduct on the pait ot the Right , tlieie was some ^4 
sense of neglect felt by the party, a certain impression existed that the 
administration ot Sigiioi Magliani lacked the guiding principles ot 
firmness |iid stiict economy, again, it was sometimes alleged — and 
this was especially the complaint of Signor Spaventa — that Signoi 
Depretis did not found his polity upon the principles of political 
morality Thus by degrees a group of dissidents came to form itself 



in the Ri^ht pirty, as liacl already occurred m that of the Centie Up 
to this time Si^rnoi Deprefcis, by an exfcraordinaiy display of parlia- 
mentar\ abilitv, had been able to keep toi^ether his majority But now 
It looLtd IS d he liid got to the end of his resources In a Parliament 
like ouib, whuc the dilfcient parties do not itpiesent different sots of 
opinioDfc — ivlieii. tlieie are, properly speaking, no paities at all — the 
totiiigglts ol the (liilcicnt gioii])S which compose it aie in icality nothing 
but cuiidicts ot mtciLsts and ambitions moic or less legitimate And it 
ife most difficult, it not inipos&iblc, to reduce these conflicts to silence , 
ir\nqiulli/cd tor a moment in one quartei, the nc\t they break out in 
another, and what was done ycsteidajr is undone to-d ij It was in 
the w ly 1 hive described tliat it came xbout that the vote ot the 
5tli ot Alai ell gave a niajoiity ot only fifteen votes to the Ministry, a 
lesult that in the p uliainentaiy situation, which had then lasted ^ycai, 
almost meant a declai ition oi w int of confidence 

Was, then, the woik at in end which had been undei taken in 
conscquenct ot the vole of the IDih ot Mav, IcSSd, lint esl iblished 
amijoitv with the object ot suppoiting bignoi Depretis in cai lying 
out his piogiammf ot letorm Hi it cinnot be slid yet In the fust 
place the list elections lia\L d( piivcd the vote ot the 5 th ot Much of 
much of its irnpoiLanot, i Cli iinbei hiving been elected which has 
declaicd itselt infivoiu of Signoi Depielis l)v i mijoiity ot sixty-^-even 
votes In the iievt in (sseutiil eucumstanee of the case must not be 
toigottcn What give flu finishing blow to the uiijoiity ot the IDthot 
May, 1883, w'ls the Liw of hquali/ ilioii ot the LandTix, which stiued 
into activii} guat ind opposite interests thioughout the country, and 
disoigaui7cd ill the partiC'* in tlic Ch mibi i, thiowing them into confusion 
and chsoidei In tact, in voting upon that 1 iw, eieh deputy was urged, 
as I think 1 lixve iiiexdy ob‘?eived, ilrnosi wliolly bv i eonsideiation 
of the inteicats of the electors he icpicscntcd hen the vote had been 
txkeii a vei> icmaik ible ciicumst inceoccuried the cLputies of the Left 
and ol th( Extieine Left who h id voted m favom of llio C ibinet on the 
question h i&tc ned to xctuin to the fold almest eie the Law ol Equilisation 
was safely pjased, iiid legained then plxces imong the links of the 
Opposition, but the deputns of the Right, especially those who had 
voted against equali/ation, that is, igainst the Ministiy, did not lejom 
the majoiilv , the grcatci numbei of them lemaiiied in Opposition 
Thes( de[>uties voted dso with the Opposition on the question of con- 
fidence in June list, on wliidi mm ot the most opposite and incom- 
patible vnws, such as Ciispi ind Riioini, ypavcnli iiid Zanardelli, 
Chiaves and Jjaceaiini, tound themselves united At picsent the 

Chambci is cngagi d in the di‘>cu'^sion oi the Budget From the day of 

the opening ol the session, which took place on the 23rd of November last, 
uj) to tbepiesent time, the Ch iinbei hai> had no oppoitunity of giving a 
political vote It i^ impossible, theiefoie, to say what line of policy the 
dissidents of the iiiglit will adopt It is <?eitdin, however, that even 
without their aid the Dejiretis Cabinet may eontinue to live, having 
obtained, as I have said, a majority of sixty -seven votes in June last. 
But it must be added that among the dissidents aie to be found men 
ni gieal mtVuenee, wliile in the mqoiity these aie lather lairing than 
the rev Cl The mam resource ol Depretis lies in temporwing, like 
r ’ )ius Maximus, the (viictato'i, with whom some ot oui wits compare 
'im , and it may be this power will help him with the dissidents who at 




bottom are not opposed to the Ministry save through misunderstandings, 
and on pretexts and giounds of a transitory and unpeimanent character— 
blia^hted interests, ana wounded ambitions 

This lev lew of Italian affaiis would bo altogether incomplete, if I 
were not to say i few wouls concerning the ronflict, still real enough, 
though doiniant, which exists between Italy and the Vatican — i conflict 
which oeitain iccent events have quite lately bi ought into a new light 
The question is one ot \vlueh the discussion inteusts not Italy only, but 
the whole woild, loi it bungs into play two things equally valued by man- 
kind — tilth and icison, leligion and libeitv Of this confliet I tieated 
at length thiee yeais igo in this Ibwiew' I shill not of couisc rej|jeat 
hero whit I then siid I must, howcvti, lemind tin icadci tint ihe 
condition of antigonism existing between the Uiiiiinil ind tin Vatican 
exeieiscs ail infliunce on the stitc ot xiolitical sock ty in itilv which 
deseivcs to bo noticed lii Italy the Court, I ho Taili uncut — ill active 
liolitical socici} in fict — suppoits the nation il unit\ witli Uomc as 
capitil, wulhout lostiictioiis, k selves, oi quijifu itioiis o( inv kind On 
this point we uc ihsolutc lucconcilcahles The King, iopl}ing to the 
»'!)yndicate of Koine, duiiiig the ceremony of the list eomnieriioi ition of 
the ^O^h of Septenibei — tlie d ly the Italian troops eiiteied Kome — made 
use ot a h ippy phi ise in this eonueetion, calling Koine a ^ Ilaiuls-ofT 
Conquest (< otniai^ta i ni(( nyihiU) Ihe phi ise had a gicat success, and 
was adopted is i motto by all the Liberal associations in Italy , it 
expresses, iiidied, the inmost thought of the nation, then (i\ed resolve 
to keep Rome foi Italy 

But polities are not eveiy thing in this woild, noi aie they so in Italy , 
faith also exists, and theie iie those who believe ind who feci the need 
of an authoiity on ciith to be Ihe intcipictd of then consciences, of 
then religious w mis, ind of then hopes ot the woild to come, ind this 
authouly, foi Itilnii Catholic*?, cm be no otliei than the Rope Now, 
the Pope has ilways lefused, and still itfuscs, to leeogni/e Rome as 
belonging to It ily, ind not only docs he leluse us Rome, but he denies 
the f mid unent il pimeiple itself, in virtue of wliieh Ave aie at Rome, and 
possess the lifl, the ispeet, and the foice of i nitioii This piinciplo is 
the well-kiiowm in ixirn, a Fiee Chinch in a Free Slate, a maxim which 
involves the sepaiatioii of Chuich inel Slate To this piiiiciple the 
Vatican has always opposed, and still obslinittly opposes, the notion of 
the Thcociatic State Loo XIII has elcaily set forth the doctiine of the 
Vatican on this point m his encyclical, Ininioi taU Lei, of the 22nd of 
August, J b85 V ell, theie ire m Italy good Catholics Avho aie it the 
same time good piluotb These desire the uiiity of Italj with Rome 
ms hei capital, but uiidei icseivc, more oi less openly dcclaied, of the 
Pope^s liberty of le tioii and decision Their conscience — and they are 
by no means few in numbci in Italy — siillers, as it weie, fiom the stress 
of two opposite sentimonls Unable to do anything else, they emit 
pious wishes loi a reconciliation of the Quinnal and the V itican There 
are several periodic ils in Italy ot Avhieli this is the leiding idea One 
appeared in December last at Milan, undei the design itioii 11 Rosniim, 
after the eelebiated philosopher of that name But the notion is one 
that IS likely to remain indefinitely in i stale ot platonic eilra There 
is no reason to suppose that it can evei i8ahzc itself in action In the 
meanwhile the National Catholics — so the supportcis of a reconciliation 
of the Pope with Italy style themselves — stand widely aloof from active 




politics And tins is i mibfortune, for it is one element of stieiigth the 
less in the disciibMons upon which turn the destinies of the cc^iintiy 
But the !N' itional Catholics loim, m line, only an insignificant minoi it v, 
at bottom they no mere Utopians The leal strength of the nation, the 
immtJise majoiity of Italians have no lancy for playing at xnasqueiadcs 
of this sort, 01 loi thiovving away the ‘substance in grasping at the 
shadou Our minds are made up , we shall meet hate with lute, wai 
XV ith war At the outset of his Pontificate it was pobsihlc to hojie that 
Leo XIII would bhow himself to be in some degice i different man 
from his predece«soi, and that he would better comprehend the times , 
but^his acts during these litter ^ears have demonstrated the futility ol 
any such expectations 

He Ins gradually come within the circle of Catholic ideis of the most 
iireconeileable type He has no hettei conception than his piedeccbsor of 
the spiritual power enjoying independence without a sei ip of teiritor} 
belonging to it, and of the Liw of Guarantee he no more accepts the 
])rinciples to-day than did the Cuiia when it xvas Inst piomulgated 
fifteen years ago Undei these cireumst inccs eveiy act of flic \ ilican 
which hn, oi only seems to Inve, a political signification, ne\ei fills to 
agitate the political pulse, and oec<asion i cuirent of anti-ckneal feeling 
thioughout the countiy This was seen last ycai upon the publication 
of the Biief of the Idth of June m favour of tlic Jesuits Posbiblv iti 
issuing his Biief Leo XIII had no othci object in view than that 
of lemoving the doubt winch existed as to whcthci with the re establish- 
ment of the Ordei by the Bull of Pius VII were icvived oi not the 
privileges accorded to the iTesints since the days of Paul III Tins 
doubt IS lemoved by the Brief of Leo XIII But the Biiet was one of 
a senes of acts of the present Pope, ill of which showed Ins sjmpath)' 
with that detested Ordei And the Jesuits, as is well known, are the 
most obstinate suppoiteis of the Papil theocracy No wonder med be 
felt then that 1 ist summer the cry of Down with Clericalism became 
the lallyiiig cry of numerous denionstr itions No town ot any impoi- 
tance in Italy but what had its anti-clciical meeting Tlie discussions 
that took pi ice at tlie«e meetings followed very vaiious lines At 
Milan, foi instanoe, the icpeal of Ait I of the constitution was dcin inded, 
which declares the Catholic religion to be the leligion of the State, as 
well as the secularization of all Church propertj , the repeal ot the Lawot 
Guarantee, and 1 know not what else In geneial, howevei, these 
meetings were distinguished by a spirit of moderation, limiting them- 
selves to a declaration of the indisputable light of Italy over Horae, and 
the maintenance in its intcgiity of the nation il piogramrae The 
Government did not cue to interfeie with any ot these meetings and 
demonstrations , it even dabbled i little in anti-cleiicalisin on its own 
account The Minister of Justice, Tajani, caused the Jesuits to be 
expelled fiom Florence, where thev had obtained unlawful possession of 
certain parochial buildings, and took various measuies with the view of 
stiictly executing the laws upon the suppression of religious coiporations, 
forbidaing the excessive taking ot vows and ordeis, and the illegal occu- 
pation of public buildings by menibeis of the suppressed corporations 
In addition, Signor Tajani is credited with having entertained the inten- 
tion of bringing in a measure calculated to restrict the numbers of the 
Jesuits who swarm cveiy where m Italy Foi the pie«^ent, however, the 
anti-clcncal agitation has subsided, but the conflict with the Vatican is, 



IS I have said, still alive though doimaiit^ and a very little would sufiice 
to wake it into activity 

Notwithstanding, however, these exhibitions of anti-cIerical proclivi- 
ties on the part ot Signor Tajaiii, nothing is moie opposed to the ideis 
of the Depretis Cabinet than the inauguiatioii ot a policy of so called 
hostility to the Vatican, and I have reason to believe that Tajam's 
displays of anti-elcricalism were as little to the taste of the Pieiniei and 
of the othei members of his Cabinet as to th it ot man) deputies of the 
majority, and least of all were accept ible to the di&sideuts of the Right 
The existing Ministiy, like ill those that have piccedel it, stands hrmly, 
in lelation to the Vatican question, upon the Law of Guaiantee, which 
sanctions the sovcieignty ot the Pope and Iho mdepcndtncc of his 
spiritual power This liw estiblishes a soit of tiuce between Church 
and State As to the Vatican question itself, the solution of the 
problem it presents is left to time ind its beneficent mflucnecs — to time, 
which, accoiding to oui great philosophei, Ccsaic Beet iria, brings all 
political and social phenomena into eqmlibnum 

This, too, at bottom, is the feeling of the country in general, 
which, despite the piovoeations oflered by the Vatic in, has inviiiably 
shown itself iveise from every kind of violence, is well as from every 
act which might wear even the appearance of violence Hence it is 
that, notwit list Hiding some displays of excitement, easily explicable, 
at vinous populai demonstrations, public oidci has never been distui bed 
at my anti-eh iical meeting And this, it must be snd, was the case 
not only at anti cleiical meetings, but on cvciy oceision when the 
iiubjett w IS discussed It is clcai that since 188 i the country has 
midc gieat moial piogicss, the subveisive elements of society have 
gamed no giound dining these last four yeais, and the country has 
notbicn the losei by tins In numbers the Aiuiehie parties aic no 
stronger than they weie in the last Chamber, and e\cn in tint, though 
elected on tf widened suffiage, they showed no inoie stungth than m 
the Chambei of 1880 Ridicils, Republic ms, and Socialists between 
them do not mustei much more than thiity members Hence it is 
eleai that in the p ist the Radicals hid no otliei strength than what 
they derived from the timidity and feebleness ot Ministries But the 
dcclaiations mule by Signor Depietis in view ot the elections of 1882, 
that public oidci must bo prc'^erved at eveiy cost within the limits 
presciibed by law — deelaritions which, as has been said, drew the 
Right in his diiection — have produced then inluiil effect Those 
declaiations were accompanied by corresponding acts, and the ciiuent 
of Demigogism has beisn ariestcd 

At the outset I mentioned some of the more important piojec^s ot 
law, which still remain to be discussed, as completing the Depictis pro- 
gramme lor the leorgani/atioii of the State I cannot slop to siy any- 
thing of thece projected measuies here, for to do so would compel me to 
exceed the Umits of space imposed upon the present article I lepeat, 
howevei, what I have already said, that the necessity of the measures 
in question is acknowledged by all parties in the Chambei, who diffiir 
only as to the means and upon certain special points, and aie m no 
peril, therefore, ot being ranged in two opposing camps by any hard 
and fast line of opinion An example of what I mean may be seen m the 
projected reform of the communal and provincial laws, whieli, from a 
certain point of view, has a political character, involving such questions 



as the mode of clectiou of syndics, who me now nominated by the 
Govpinnient, the extension of the political suffrage to those who possc'^b 
the local suHrige, nul the extension of the suffrage to women These 
are three inijovitiug me isiires which find biippoiteis and opponents on 
both skIc^ of flic Chamber, and give use, Ihtiefoio, to no stiuggle of 
paitic^ The b line lb the cave with the ‘so ealled socnl meisaies, the 
need of wdiich all pirties acknowledge, though as jet the imple dis- 
cussion to v\hich they hive given iiso has piocluced nothing in the shape 
ot iln\ It lb not asscited that the Oppobilioii in lespcct of thesjC 
pi ejects of lefoini will ha\e nothing to sav to the Ministiy Such an 
expect ition would show ignoianee of the position of political parties, 
and indeed, gcnei illy of human iiatuie hat is meant is meiely that 
there will be no icason wlij the mijoiity wliicli suppoits the present 
jMinistiv should split in lespcct ot the ineoinploted poition of the 
Depielib piigiamme At pie&enl, then the Depietis !>riiiistiy bceins 
free fiom anj dangci alu ad, the moie m) m tint, if it cannot be denied 
that tlic nnjoiitj whicli suppoii Signoi Depietis does not manifest 
all the conditions of stibilitj and homogniciU wliith might be 
desired, the Lelt iv, as an Opposition, oven moie disunited The 
so-called Pentaichy may he eon&uleied as do id and Imiied It 
received its dc ith blow at the 1 ist ch etions None of itv then inembcis — 
Crispi, Nicotei i, Zainulclli, Bice aim, Caiioli — lias in the piesent 
political situ ition uii, even Die voi illest, eli irce ol i buccesviul struggle 
with Dcputi" 01 of ousting him horn iiow^ti 1 lia\( ilnadj ol)seiv(d 
that tlie Kight as anhibtoiual politic il paty his htnicleid since it 
accepted the Depietis piogi iimne in lS8.i , the sune icniaik ipplies to 
the Left as icpio^cnlcd by the present Opposition The latter continues 
to btiugglo only foi tlie honoia ot a name, a nunc whidi now covcis 
nothing but meic enipiinibs 

The aibfoiinatioiV^ then — tint is, the fusion into one pirty of the 

sanest and most liomogcneous ckmciiL of the Eight, the’Ccntie, ind 
tlie Lift, which Kceivtd its Parliimcniarj sairtiou on the D)th of JMay, 
1883 — still (uhlans, 111 fict, it is the onlj parU tint does exist, in 
contr 1 ‘^t with the hibtorical pirties, of wduch I ittci it may be said what 
our lieioieo-comic poet wiote ot one of his hcioes 

“ xXinlavT, comlnttcrulo ed cia mijito ” {ITe in ni on Jojldnitf and h inn dad) 

Is a proof dcsiied In one of the Opposition ]ouinals I saw lately the 
suggestion Oi the possibility ind desirability ot i coalition between l)i 
Eobilant of ihc Eight and Nicoteia and Zinardclli ol tlic Left Nov\, 
if a seiioub London newspaper took it into its I|^ad some fine morning 
to suggest m all seiiousn ess a political combination between {Salisbury 
on the one hand and Chambeilan and Blight on the other, I feel 
assuied that the suggestion would he received fiom one end of the 
United Kingdom to the other with peals of laughtei But the para- 
graph in the Italiin joiunal f hive itleired to excited no meriiraont 
whatever in Italy What does a f let like this mean ? It means that 
Myth us the old political parties exist no longci Whethei they 
will evci exist again I do not know, but for thi piesent at all events 
they aie dead This is the most char ic tens tic feature of contempoiaiy 
polities m Italy, and to ha\e dwelt upon it at some length will not, I 
belu ve, be found without interest even foi foreigneis 

Giovani«x Bootiftti 



A t the end of last ycxr Loid Tenn 5 son brought out i book con- 
tainini^, ilon^ witli othci things, i sequel to “ Lockslcy 11 ill It 
IS diflicult to jud^e this now poem impaitnll} One iculci sivs The 
old was better/" otheis fpcilups they aic the ma|ority) ireoirntd away 
altogcthei by this levival of the mubic ol a poem rnoie wakl}^ known 
perhaps^ than any othci of this cuituiy — a poem which, in s>pite of 
sobei criticism, in spite of Bon Gaultici, has been gcneially icccpted, 
adnined, nid loved This second poem, indeed, dciivcs no small poitiori 
ol its inflnenoc fiom the liist Lockslcy Hill Old associitions conic 
in and take captive the sciupnlous mind that is> tiying to be un- 
piejudiced Impaitiihty is all vciy well, but the rcadei is not much to 
be envied who icmains unmoved by tlic opening of thii poem 

I “ Hilf the morning Jmo I paced those s iud> tricts, 

Watch’d a^im the hollow ridges roaring into cataracts 
Wander d back to living boyhood while I heard the curlews c\ll- 
1 myself so close to death, md death itwClf m J ocksley Hall ’ 

Alter that opening most people will be eoiitcnt to listen LiLc tin 
fn&t ‘‘Loeksley Hall/^ the second poem is a pissiomte di imatic monody, 
changing i ipidly Ixom the cxpicsbion ol pcisonal feeling by the 
iraagm iry speaker, to more general thoughts, fears, and hopes, great 
pait ol the ehirm of the two poems lies in this rapid eliange liom the 
passion ol the lovei to no lc«?s passionate ultei inces of impeisonal 
thoughts and imaginations The single voice making its complaint in 
the wilderness?, between the mooilaiid lud the sea, wakens up every now 
and then the voices of the woild to answci it Jflie <?econd “ Lockslcy 
Hall"" IS a song of leconeiliation and forgiveness, but as it is a lyiical 
poem — passionate, not moiely leflective — theic are many variations ol 
mood llieie is no one single eonclusmn oi moral The old inui was a 
young man sixty years ago, full of pain and aiigei, tiying to find cure 
ior his vcxition in enthusiasm for the future of mankind and the woild 
Now he has no thoughts that are not pious tovvaids the dead pcopk 
whom he in his youth judged haishly But the ficiy hopes of youth 
have long coded down, and he is oppressed by the seeming deteriora- 
tion of the world, yet he will not altogetlier give up liis old hope, 
though it be now too like despair A good deal is to be learned by 
compaiing this poem with the ‘^Ancient Sage,"" piiblislud i yeai ago, 
in the Tiresias volume There the argument is niiieh the same, 
though it IS stated iii gnve recitative, not with the Ijiical feivour of 

* “liocksley Hall Sixty Years After, &o ” By Lortl Ftmiysou London 
Macmillan & Co 


"LK.>ttvsIey Hall ^ There the !:;;eueial cloctiiue,iihe philosophy, ib in^re 
important — 

“ \iid we the poor caith s dying race and yet 
JSo phantoms, watching from a phantom shore 
Await the last and largest sense to make 
'1 lie phantom walls of this tlhision fade, 

And show us that the world is wholly fair 

111 ^ L( I Lbky H ill,'* the to-‘iii(l-fro debiting^ about the mterpictation of 
lilt world aie brought to i close in a itturn to the simple lyncil 
iittonTK OS of resignation ind foigivencss 

“forward , kt the ^torm^ moment and mingle with the inst 
I that loathed, ha\c come to loic him I o\l will conipitr at the last 
( one at eighty, mme own a^t md I and >on will hear the pall 
I hen I leave thee 1 ord and M isUr, latest Loid of Locksley Hall ” 

Oiu of the best of the othci books of poetry published lu 18^0 i'? 

llie Judgment of Piomctlieus t II poetry were, like punting oi 
music, dll lit supposed to loquiie tiaimng and stud},^^The Judgment 
ot Piomotboiis^^ would be to bud an bonoiu ible place lu the 
schools ot poetical design and composition Irom beginning to end it 
lb du evainplc of the success that is only gamed by single-minded 
following ot aitistic perfection Thoidjll that gives its name to the 
volume treats of the debate between Zeus and Poseidon, audits solution 
by the gieat Titan, the deliveiei It is full of admuablo pis'-ages m 
noble \erse The poem on Rhodes ' will peibips find more geneidl 
ai ceptauce It ought eei tunly to be jnaised by th it luci easing number 
of students who arc inclined to revolt igainst the tyianny, is they 
coi sider it, of subtletj and enigma Those disiffeeted poisons divide 
])oetr} into that which you can leid aloud ind that which jou can icad, 
it at dJ, onl) in silence It is ea*-} to ^'ce to whieli class thcbC stanzas 
on Rhodes belong (p 1*2) 

“ Iheiewith ) c sliot an anowj ia> 

Down through tho blue Atj^ataii deep 
llirdlcd tint inayc dart of day, 

'IliL liiddcn isle shook off liei sleej> 

She moved she rose, and with the morn 
She touched the ur and Khudes was boin 

“ I lion #11 ibout that starry sta 
Ihere ran i gratulatin^ stir 
Her fellow*' for all time to be 
1 II choral con^^rcss gn eting hor 
With air borm &on^ and fl ishing smiles, 

\ sisterhood of elorious isles ” 

Of the utbci poems the most lemarkabb is that which concludes the 
volume — “An Ode on the Death of General Gordon"* Along with 
this it IS fitting to mention the noble poem on the same subject by Sir 
Francis Do} le, at the end ot bis recently published Remiiuscences 
and Opinions Mi Myers could haidly fail, with such a theme, to 
say things worth bearing in imiid , and what poet living has a better 
right than Sir Francis Doyle to commemorate the thiee hundred and 
nineteen days of Khartoum ^ 

^ The Ancient Sage ’ (“ Tircsias ind other Poems,” p 64) 

+ “ The Judgment of Prometheus ” By Frneat Myers London Macmillan & Co 



^'Brutus Ultor*'* is a true Roman play Plutarch might speik a 
prologue to it The author's qualities^ are alieady well known ^ here they 

are shown perhaps to greater advantage than ever before There is 
something very fascinating in the speed and vigour of this play It 
goes on without exciting any suspicion m the reader that blank verse is 
an unnatural form of expression for purposes of dialogue In most 
modern five-act tragedies the blank veise has a taint of ‘^gramercy*^ 
and halidomo " about it , but here theie is nothing forced oi afiected 
Ml I^wis Morris's play of ^'Gycia^f has certainly an interesting 
plot It turns upon the conflict between a^wife's love to her husband 
and her sense of duty towaids the State The Lady Gycia reveals to 
tne archon and senators of Cherson the conspiracy in which her 
husband Asandei is engaged, hoping to save the State of Cherson, 
and at the same time bring her husband out of all his entanglements 
The State is saved, but the archon and senators break their promise to 
Gycia — they do nothing to preserve the life of her husband , and the 
tragedy ends with the death of Gjcia, following upon the death of 
x\sandci The stoiy is taken, as the pref ice informs us, from Byzantine 
history, with little modification of the incidents It is certainly woithy 
of poetical treatment The main fiult of Mi Morii&'s play is that the 
personages, though clearly piesented, are wanting in interest The 
story IS worth much more than the characters The play challenges 
compaiison with Venice Pieserved," and Belvidcra keeps hei pre- 
cedence of Gycia A‘'ander is a poor cieature, a sort of well-meaning 
Darnley, who never knows whether he is telling the tiuth oi not, and is 
never sure what exactly he wishes to gain by his lying T)ie contrast 
between Asandei *s pliability and Gycia's naiiovv eaincstncss is the 
strong point m the story The secondary chaiacteis — Iiene, a lady m 

love with A&andcr, Thcodorus (her biothor), in love with Gycn, states- 
men and com tiers of Bosphorus, archonsand senators of Cherson — serve 
the purpose either of making trouble between the shifty Asander and 
his wife, or of weaving a political coil round the unfoitunato hero 
Mr Woolner's “Tiresias,"J m spite of many merits and beauties, is not 
a satisfactory poem — not as good as its predecessor, Silenus " The 
purpose ot it apparently is to set forth, by means of the ancient myth, 
the nature of the life of a poet , to show how the artist's joy makes com- 
pensation for the man's sorrow Tiresias received the gift of prophetic 
vision after his blmdnes«J had cut him off from ordinary lealitj In the 
execution the poem of “Tiiesias ' somewhat fails It is divided into 
two parts the first pait dealing, more oi less directly, with the fortunes 
of Tiresias, the seer and prophet , the second containing imaginative 
rhapsodies from his mouth The first part arouses one’s interest in the 
old myth , the second pait foigets all about Tiresias The first part is a 
sort of history of the poet , the second part is an appendix, with speci- 
mens of his works The reader is not properly prepared for the transi- 
tion from the one part to the other, and feels himself in consequence 
baffled and perplexed 

The poems of the Bishop of Derry § belong, most of them, to a good 

* “ Brutus Ultor ” By Michael I leld l4>ndon G Bell Clifton T Baker 
t Gycia ” By Lewis Morns London Kegan Paul, Irencli & Co 1886 
i “Tiresias’* By Thomas Woolnor London G Bell At bon 1886 
§ <* St Augustine’s Holiday, and other Poems *’ By William Alexander, D D , I)»C 
Bishop of Berry and Baphoe London Kegan Paul| Trench & Co 1886 




school Tliev are not infected with the timidity and orer>caiefu1aess of 
these latter days , they recall the boldness and freedom of the first revolt 
against irtificial poetiy The following lines alone might suffice to make 
the author pass for one of the old romantic battalion — 

“ Then on a great Assyrian quay, 
last by the town of hiine\eh, 

At noon of night, methoui;ht 1 stood 
Where Tigris went witl glimmering flood, 

And walls were there all storied round 
With old gnm km^s, enthroned, encrowned , 

Strange visaged chief and winged bull, 

Pine conef and lotus wonderful 
kmbark d, 1 floated ftist and far, 
f or [ was bound to Babylon 
I saw the great blue lake of an, 

And that green island Akhtamar , 

1 saw abo\ e the burning flat 
Die lone and snow capped Ararat , 

But e^ cr spell bound on I pass, 

Sometimes heariUe, my shallop creep, 
itli its cool rustle, through the deep 
Mesoiiotamian meadow glass 
And now (as when by moons of old, 

C raiidl^ with wrinkling siher rolled 
It glimmeied on tkiough gro\c and lea, 
lor the starry ejes of Kaphael 
Journey mg to I ebatane) 

Die ancient Tigris floweth free, 

Through orange gro\e and date tree dell, 

J o pearl and rainbow coloured shell, 

And coral of the Indian sea ’ * 

The verses in Professor Blacklegs Messis VitsD f are concerned with 
a great number and variety of subjects praise of backgammon and of 
Loch Baa, condemnation of squabblement of Church and State,” and 
of wandering M P \ brainless babble,'^ attract the attention of those 
appealed to by this cheeiful singer 

‘‘The Last Ciusade,” by Mr Alfred Hayes,f is a carefully written 
blank verse narrative of the expedition in which Saint Louis died 
The hexameter version of “ Jack and the Beanstalk ought to take 
lank as one of the finest specimens of that much^i abused metre The 
illustrations are from Mr Caldecott^s unfinished sketches The giant 
in these has no fixed likeness, but shows as he appeared from time to 
time to the artist, who was making up his mind about him His 
changes of shape are veiy teriible This giant was one of the out- 
landish ettins who have power of perplexing the vision, as shown in 
tde well-known case of Thorns journey to Jotunheim 

Mr Ashby-Steiry’s verses || are of the sort of which the scorner has 
said that “ almost any man could reel it off by yards together The 
scorner is wrong , foi the great majoiity of men who write verses write 
bad and un metrical ones, whereas this sort of poetry, light as it may 
be, can be trusted to keep in time and tune 

A good many laborious and solemn minstrels might profit by study- 
ing Mr Joseph Mayoi-^s “ Chanterb ou Metre H Yet there are some 

♦ “ Super Fluinina,” pp 67, 68 * 

t ** MesBis Vitie ” By J b Blackie, London Macmillan & Co 1887 
X Birmingham Cornish Brothers 1887 

§ ** Jack and the Beanstalk " By Hallam Tennyson Illustrated by Randolph 
Caldecott London Macmillan & Co 1886 
II “ The Lazy Minstrel ” By J Ashby Sterry London T Fisher Unwin 1886 
H C J Clay ^ Sons 1886 



f «• 

dangerous things in it— e gr , Mr A J Ellises blank verse in p 63, 
showing different Jicenses ot versification all huddled together The 
ordinary blundeier is bad enough , bat with a nox'wm oiganum of thiS 
sort, a scientific theoiv of all the possible iiiegulaiities in a heroic line, 
he may be able to pioduce something impossibly discordant ^ Bi\jb only 
a very wicked man would make this use of Mr Ellises permutations and 
combinations Mi Mayor’s views ha\e nothing extravagant in them, 
and ought to do i> great deal to cleai up this vexed question Keaders 
who do not caie to entei dtcpl} into the matter will find a good deal 
to engage them in Mr Miyor’s clever tieatment of previous speculators 
— of l)r Guest on the one hand and Mr Symonds on the othei 

Among translations 1 ittly issued, it is necess iiy to notice Sii Theodore 
Martins Faust,”* Lord Cainirvon’s ‘^Od}ssey,”t Mr Way's 
“Iliad/' t Mr Rutheiluid Claik*s “Odes of Horace /’§ and Ml 
Toynbee's selection fiom Bermgei || Mi A D Ainslie has rendered 
Goethe’s “Ileynaid the Fox* * § ” If into common metie, without much spirit 
Of new editions, one of the most popul u is sure to be that ot Mr Coventry 
Patraoie's collected poetical works ** Piofessor Skeat his published for 
the Clarendon Piess a paiallel text edition of “ Pieis Plowman ’ ft The 
notes and glossal y aie much the same is in the edition mide by Pro- 
fossoi Skeat foi the Eaily English Text Society It is to be hoped 
that this edition ma} hive miny students, though the weaker sort will 
not find much that is outwaidly attiactive in this aiiangement of three 
texts together The sepaiale volumes of the Early English Text 
Society, cumbrous as some of them are, will be more convenient for 
those who wish to read str light on 
Another pi od action of the Clarendon Piess is more pcculur in its 
importance — the three Cambridge Comedies, edited b} Mr Macray ft 
^^The Return from Parnassus,” printed fust in 1006, has long been a 
source of interest It was known that it was only a third part of a 
series of Cimbiidge plays, but the othei two plays — the “ Pilgrimage '' 
and the first part of the “ Retuin” — were supposed to be lost 'ihey 
have been recovered in the Bodlei in by their editor, Mr Macray It is 
pleasant to think that we owe their preservation to the pious care of 
Hearne, a benefactor to be honoured by all students of old English 
poetry Tiie newly discovered pi lys are as good as the part already known. 
The general character of those tliiec Elizabethan comedies is much the 

* “Faust ” Part II Translated by Sur Tliecnlore Martin, K C B Edinburgh and 
London Blackwood & Sons 1880 

t “The Odyssey of Homer ” I -XII Translated into Etoglish \erse by the Earl of 
Carnarvon London Macmillan & Co 1880 

i “lEe Iliad of Homer ” 1 -XU Done into English verse by Arthur S Way, M A 
London Sampson Low cC Co ISSO 

§ “ The Odes of Horace ’ Translated by T Kutherfurd Clark Edinburgh David 
Douglas 1887 

II “Songs of Berangtr in Eughsli \erae ” By William Toynbee London Eegan 
Paul, Trench & Co 1880 

^ Macmillan &. Co 1886 

** George Bell & Son Third edition T^ovols 1887 

ft The ‘ Vision of William concerning Piers the Plowman, in three parallel texts , 
together witli “ Hichard the Keddess * By William Langland Edited by the Rev 
WsdterW Skeat Oxford At the Clarendon Press 1886 

“ The Pilgnmage to Parnassus, with the two parts of the Return from Parnassus ** 
Three Comedies penormed in St. John’s College, Cam budge, ad MDXcm -MDcr 
Edited from MSS by the Rev W 1) Macray, M A , F S A Oxford At the Clarendon 
l^ess 1886 ^ 



same The tlicmc is that perennial favourite, the neglect of leatning, 
the scantiness of endowments , " Quid dant artes nisi luctum ^ '' The 
tld song, sung by the threadbare travelling scholars 400 years 
before, might have been a motto for these Cambridge men working at 
tluir Cliiistmas plajs Veiy probably they did not deserve the good- 
conduct piize, 01 ‘iny other prize Very piobably they neglected their 
Tally and their Ramus They show a lamentable acquaintance with 
works that do not pay in the schools The “ Return from Parnassus,” 
as pieviously printed (that is, the third play in the series), was greatly 
valued foi its references to contemporaiy poetry Theie are some very 
pithy and elegant criticisms of Spenser, Constable, Lodge, Drayton, 
Marston, Marlowe, and others Buibige and Kemp appear on the stage, 
the lattei giving uttciance to the plausible opinion that “few of the 
university men pen plays well , they smell too much of that writer Ovid, 
and that writer Metamorphosis, and talk too much of Proserpina and 
Jupiter Why, here’s oui fellow Shakespeare puts them all down , ay, 
and Ben Jonson too ’ The pieces discoveied by Mi Macray show the 
same familiarity with Fnglish poets “ The Tyrant of the North, 
rough Barbarism” — that is a phiuse boriowed from Samuel Daniel On 
page 62 of this edition will be found m imitation of “Chaucer’s vaine,” 
which IS followed by examples ot “ Spcncei’s veyne,” “ Mi Shakespeare’s 
veyne ” ' Mr Shakespeaies veyne,” it seems, was in great favour at 
that time with fashionable people Puither, it must he noted that those 
plavs, which have waited so long for publication, contiin, besides their 
little flashes of wit and satin, a good deal of excellent comedy — eff, 
‘^Leonard the Caiiiei ” (p 20), and ^^Gullio,” the admirei of Shake- 
speare’s^poetry and of everything else favoured by the gieat world The 
author of those old plays must have held a somewhat cuiious posi- 
tion He was evidently too flighty, too modern and rebellious, for 
success in the tiivial or quadiivial aits He must have been, on the 
otliei hand, scarcely m full sympathy with the gorgeous youth who made 
free with the name of Ronsaid, and despised the ancients The 
great battle of the hooks, ancients against moderns, was going on 
briskly m those days The Parnassus comedies, taken all together, repre- 
sent the opinions of the trimmers, who held aloof and criticized both 

In France no poetry has been published during the last twelve 
months lik ly to compete in interest with the two posthumous volumes by 
Victor Hugo* Theatre en Liberte ” is a collection of short dramatic 
pieces, the earliest of which belongs to 1854, the latest to 1873 
Fanciful or lomantic comedy prevails thioughout the book, which, 
whatever may be the lank assigned to it among the works of its author 
in the idiizon defindiie of the next century, is likely to keep its power 
of attracting readers The fragment of a preface gives notice that 
these pieces were written “ for the theatre that every one carries about 
in himself” There are very few such theatres which will complain of 
the entertainment afibrded them by this Prospero and his company of 
actors “Mangeront ils^” is the name of the longest of those airy 
masques It mingles puie comedy with romance and with poetic 
eloquence in a thoroughly puzzling and entrancing waj The passiou 

* ‘‘Theatre en LiberW,” “La Fm de Satan” By Victor Hugo PariB Hetzel> 
Qnantin 1886 ^ 



of the two lovers, the sublimity of the aged sorceress, the old deep 
undertone of defiance to tyrants — ^these are elements out of which one 
IS led to expect some solemn issue But that was not the plan of the 
master of the show The solemn passages lead into the wildest 
revelry, and the theatre, which was beginning to beat time to pa and 
looking out for a brilliant new tyrannicide, is dissolved m laughter by 
the intervention of the vagabond hero, Airolo Then the audience purges 
its misotyrannic spleen by heaity ridicule of the lyiant, ^^Le Roi de 
Man,^^ and his parasite, Mess Tit^rus, latest born of the tribe of Gnatho 
La graiid^ mbre ” is a beautiful dramatic idyll on an old theme — pnde 
of race conquered and brought down by children In “ L’Epee the 
genius of Liberty is not beguiled by comedy, as in Mangeront ils ^ 
The sword was made to be turned against the oppressor — that is the 
moral of it The chief personages aie an outlaw of a mountain village 
in Dalmatia, and his father and son The old man and his giandson 
are loyal to the duke, and therefore unfriendly to the outlaw, the 
course of the drama shows their conversion to the side of revolt The 
otliei pieces aie shortei, but are all of great interest 

“La Fm de Satan was first mentioned to the public in 1859, m the 
preface to the first senes of the “Legende des Siecles” There the 
author explained that the Lcgende des Slides was meant to form 
one poem in a series of three — the others being “ La Fin de Satan 
and “ Dieu La Fm de Satan,” which was never quite completed by 
the poet, was apparently written about the same time as the first series 
of the “ Legende des Silcles,^^ and iis different parts have alliances with 
different paits of the “ L^cnde ” Thus “ La Fin de Satan ” is full of the 
horrors of the infinite abyss, the infinite darkness , and the fall of Satan 
brings to mind inevitably the exile of King Canute m Le Pariicide 
111 the “ Lcgende there is an entry into the same monstrous ante- 
diluvian world as in “ La Fm de Satan ” The section named “ Jesus- 
Christ^^ in “La Fin do Satan” has a companion piece m “Premiere 
Rencontre du Christ avec !e Tombeau,^^ in the “Legende des Siecles” 
It IS not necessary to look for any one particular analogue to the praise 
of “ L^ Ange Liberte The poem is divided into three books — “ Le 
Glaive, Le Gibet,” and “ Le Prison,^' according to the three weapons 
of Cam — the nail, stick, and stone — which weie preserved by the 
spectral daughter of Satan, Lilitb-Isis, for the furtherance of evil 
The first book is concerned chiefly with Nimrod the tyrant , the second 
with the life and death of the Messiah , the third, unfinished, was 
intended to commemorate the fall of the Bastille and the victory of the 
angel Liberty, who m the epilogue brings about the pardon of Satan 
It IS impossible here to give any idea of the power of this extraordinary 
^ork — the demaa vohiptas atque hoi 'i or attending on this “ Marriage 
of Heaven and Hell,'' the wonderful changes and contrasts between the 
tragical loneliness and daikness of the abyss, and the raptuie of the 
“ song of the birds , '' between the evil of Nimrod and his servant and 
the repentance of Barabbas 

W. P. Kbr 




BiociEapii'v —111 Ills admirable article on Carlyle in the new volume of 
the^Dictionaiy of National Biogiaphy/'* Mr Leslie Stephen observes, 
apropos of Ciilyle's lamentations over his troubles in ins Cromwell 
investigations, that Carlyle, with all his complaining, “had never been 
en'slaved to a biographical dictionary The remark is the first sigh of 
the weary editor, >et weary or no, there is no sign of flagging either 
in the quality of his woik or its pace The principal articles m the 
piesent volume, besides the editor^s on Carlyle, are Mi James Gairdner^s 
on the several Queen Catherines, Dr Jessopp^s Cecil, Mr iEneas 
Mnekay^s Carstares, ind Mi Lee^s Caxton Lord Fiederick Cavendish 
and James Carey the infoimer he near one anothei in the same volume 
here There is no notice whatever of Professor Gershom Carmichael 
One might read Dr Blaikie^s account of Dr Chalpers through without 
leceiving the least hint that he was an important political economist, 
and wrote several works of considerable vihie in tint depirtment 
The author of the article on “Jupiter** Carlyle, though he has con- 
sulted vaiious ilS authorities, docs not seem to have known of 
his correspondence, prcseivcd in Edinburgh University Libraiy — 
In “Incidents in the life of Madame Bhvatsky/*t compiled fiom 
information supplied by her ielativc<5 and futnds, Mi Smnett writes 
of this pretended piophetess of esoteric Buddhism in a tone of almost 
religious adoration, whieh will seem to the exoteric mind to be simply 
absurd It ippcais she was from her birth bred in an atmosphere of the 
preteinatuial, and when a child of lour she had the conceit that she was 
invulnerable, and th it hex presence was, thro igh her interest with the 
unseen powers, an infallible and indispensable protection to hei nurses 
from all kinds of dangei The child was mother of the woman Mr 
Sinnett's account of the Coulomb case will not, we fear, satisfy the 
PsycIiKal Research Society, or any other tribunal endowed with a moderate 
measure of common sense The book is badly written — Mr Smnett 
could do much better, but it contains a good deal that is curious^jaiid, for 
students of the liistoiy of enthusiasm, not unimportant — M Edouard 
Simon, in his Life of the Emperor W illiam,i has not attempted a popular 
history of modern Prussia , his objecthasbeen rather to trace the Emptror*8 
personal action in the course of diplomatic struggles, and particularly in 
that line of pol cy which led to the consolidation of the German Empire 
He has declined to enter into a full description of events of universal 
interest, such as the hianco-Piussian war, confining himself to an account 
of the causes and lesults of these contests and their influence upon the 
success of the Emperor’s favourite policy of militaiy supremacy The 
work IS that of a faithful cliionologist who has avoided personal comment , 
It IS singularly free iiom moial oi sentimental platitudes, and it is maiked 
by a perfect impartiaht} on all questions affecting the author’s own 
country M Simon has a sincere admiration for his hero, and wins our 
mpathies for him, whether m his foreign iclation'^hips oi m the constant 
opposition which he encountered horn his own Libcial Pailiament* The 

* Vol IX London Smith, Elder & Co 
+ London George Red way 

^ “ The Emperor William and bis Reign ” From the French of Edouard Simon 
London Iteniingtou k Co 



phraseology of the translation is perhaps above tlfe average, though theie 
are some very noticeable errors in the usage of individual words — The 
Autobiography of Friedrich Proebel,” * which consists of a fragmentar}*’ 
letter addressed to the Duke of Meiningen, is of chiefly esoteric interest 
It contains no veiy definite oi intelligible account ot his principles oi 
method of education From his earliest childhood, Proebel seems to have 
given himself to a life ot intiospection His mothei's death, and the 
unsympathetic treatment he received from his stepmothei, threw him, 
when quite young, upon his own lesources, and fioni his needs as a 
child he learnt to appreci ite the needs ot all children Nature was his 
favouiite study, and between Natuie and humanity he was never tired of 
drawing fancitul connections I continued,” he says, “ without ceasing, 
to systematize, symbolize, idealize, realize and recognize identities and 
andogies amongst all facts and phenomena, all problems, expiessions, 
and formulas” His language seldom di ops below this airy level As 
his cditorb admit, he is highly egoistic, and his writing contains almost 
every fault of style , but they have preferred to let him speak for himself, 
and then own vvoik of tianslation is honestly done The Geimm public 
were slow in accepting Froebefs system of unive sal German education , 
the term was not sufficiently definite for them They weie willing 
enough to receive a special training as footmen, shoemakers, soldieis,“or 
even noblemen,’^ but did not care about being educated to become 

freethinking, independent men Mr W T Jeanses “Lives of the 
Electiicians^^ t ^ good account of the lives of Professor^ 

Tyndall, Wheatstone and Moise, and of the vaiious discoveries and 
inventions for which we aie indebted to them It is written in a popular 
and interesting style, and communicates a good deal of useful knowledge 
in an easy way 

TralVe r — “ The Cruise of the il/ai ches(M to K imschatka and New Guinea, 
with Notices of Formosa,'' , by F II H Guillemard, M D ,+ strikes 
one at hrst sight by the unusual excellcDce of its get-up and the artistic 
merit of its i umcious illustiatiohs by Whymper and others , but the 
meat is as good as the shell It is the record of a two-yeaib' cruise of 
a naturalist m Asiatic wateis, chiefly among the lessei known islands of 
the Mahy Archipelago, but as far south as the Dutch end ot New 
Guinea on the one hand, and as fai north as Kamschatka on the other 
*Hd has much fiesh information to convey, not merely about the animals 
and plants of these places, but also about the character and condi- 
tion of their population, and his descriptions, both of natuial scenery 
and what may be called human scenes, are always graphic and entei- 
taming IIis account of the island of Formosa, with the neighbouring 
republic on the small island of Samasana, and of the Papuans in New 
Guinea, are particularly instructive Of the Papuans he agrees with 
the opinion that they are a special race, different both from the Mala)S 
and Australian aborigines In North Borneo he found land selling tor 
nearfy J 6900 an acre even there it would seem they have their 
problems of ground-rents and earth-hunger On the whole, this is one 
of the most delightful and instructive of recent works ot travel 

Miscellaneous — Lord Brassey has not gone to the Peers to take 

* ” Autobiography of Fnednch Froebel 
Miohaelis and H ICeatley Moore London 
t London Whitaker & Co 

** Translated and Annotated by Etnilio 
Sw an Sonnenschein & Co 

i Loudon John Murray 



a life of ease, but has begun an undertaking of as much labour as 
utility ^^The Naval Annual, 1886,^^* is a big volume of 550 
pages large octavo, and it is the first number of a serial that is in- 
tended to appear yearly It treats of the comparative naval strength 
of the maritime Powers and their nivy estimates, of the efficiency ot 
Biitish naval administration, of the suggestions for reformatthe Admiralty 
and dockyards, of the foreign squadions, naval shipbuilding present 
and future, torpedoes, coaling stations, manning the navy, armour and 
ordnance, and other various naval incidents of 1885 The information is 
very complete and carefully compiled, and while not concealing faults, 
tends on the whole to restoie confidence in the state of the navy and 
naval administration —Dr Chailes Rogers publishes the thud and con- 
cluding volume of his “Social Life in Scotland f It deals mainb with 
folk-lore, sorceiy, apparitions, and the like, and contains a laige and 
miscellaneou««, but quite uncritical collection of facts (or alleged facts) 
illustrative of Scottish ideas on the subjects in the past or the piesent 
time Ills first chaptei, on literary and scholastic life m Scotland, con- 
sists in great part of a bald and utterly needless and incomplete chronicle 
of Scottish men of letters and their works from St Columba to wi iters of 
our own time The chapter on “ Humoiii and Eceentricit\ contains 
much that IS amusing, and that on “ An Eighteenth Centiiiy Coric^spon- 
dence^' will be road with great interest, because it is the fust irccount 
that has been published of (he coiiespondence of “ Jupiter C ul} Ic, which 
lies in the Edinburgh Uuivcrsit} Library, and contains a number ot letters 
from eminent and interesting people of last centuiy — Undei the title of 
“The New Libeial Piogrammc/^| Mi Andiew Reid has collected the 
views of a number of Liberal politicians about the causes of the defeat of 
then party last Jul}, and the measures the party ought now to pi ess for 
In spite of the title, the progiamme suggested by the seieral writi is con- 
tains nothing veiy new Peihaps the nearest thing to it in the book is 
the explanation of the defeat oflered by Mi Haldane, the able >oung 
member for East Lothian He thinks politics naturally progiess by “ a 
rhythmic movement,*' bv alternate periods of Radical inflation and Con- 
servative depression, and that we are now doing oui term of depression, 
and had been for some time before 1885, but the worst of thfs theory is, 
that the facts are against it , for did not the Dartmouth speech show 
that the Radical cuirent is actually so stiong at present that Conservative* 
leaders must run with it and turn reformeis'^ — Mr Pickwick, 
stirred like a loyal subject by the example of the Queen, cele- 
brates his jubilee this yeir also, § for it is exactly fifty years since 
he entered upon that empiie of his on which the sun not only 
never setl, but probablj never will At any rate, the popularity of 
“Pickwick'* now is as great as on its first daj, and, in fact, goes on 
increasing, if we judge fiom the numbei of purchasers It was a good 
idea of Mr Charles Dickens the Younger to mark the occasion by 
issuing an elegant edition of his father's first and most famous novel| 
with numerous illustrations and editorial notes of much interest It 
is, of course, unnecessary m the case of so well-known a work 
to do more than thus call attention to this new and veiy excet*^ 
lent edition of it 

* Portamoutli Gnffiii & Co + Edinburgh William Paterson 

X London Swan SQnnenschein & Co 

k **The Pickwick Papers” By Charles Dickens Ldited by Ohailoe Xhokens 
the Younger London Macmilliui & Cp 


T he principal charge made against the scheme of Home Rule con* 
tamed lu the Irish Government Bill, 1886, is that it is incom- 
patible with the maintenance of the unity of the Empire and the supre- 
macy of the Imperial Parliament A further allegation states that 
the Bill 18 useless, as agiarian exasperation lies at the root of Insh 
discontent and Irish disloyalty, and that no place would be found 
lor a Home Rule Bill even m lush aspirations if an effective 
Land Bill were first passed Such is the indictment against 

the Home Rule Bill preferred by the dissentient Liberals, and 
urged with great abilitv by Mr Dicey in England's Case against 
Home Rule " An endeavour will be made m the following 
pages to secure a verdict of acquittal on both counts — as to the 
charge relating to Imperial unity and the supremacy of the Impenal 
Parliament, by proving that the accusation is absolutely unfounded, 
and based partly on a misconception of the nature of Imperial ties, 
and partly on a misapprehension of the effect of the provisions of 
the Home Rule Bill as bearing on Impenal questions , and as to 
the inutility of the Home Rule Bill m view of the necessity of Land 
Reform, by showing that without a Homq Rule Bill no Land Bill 
worth consideration as a means of pacifying Ireland can be passed 
In conclusion, some observations will be directed to meeting certain 
objections urged by Mr Drcey against the Home Rule Bill of 1886, 
beyond and apart from the matters involved in discussing the fore* 
g<^g questions 

^An explanation of the Irish Bills of 1886, and their true beanng 
on Imperial and agranan questions is not uncalled for As Mr Dicey 
admits with pharactenstic candour, no legislative proposal sub- 
mHted to Parliament has ever received haider measure than the 





Government of Ireland Bill''* And there is no exaggeration 
in saying that, on every occasion when the Home Rule Bill is men- 
tioned by opponents, the hardest language is used The whole battery 
of abuse is discnarged on the unhappy supporters of the Bill 
Separatist," Disruptionist," Revolutionist, " are the epithets 
applied without distinction to any one who says a word or writes a 
line in favour of the only practical scheme of self government for 
Ireland The complete partisan spint in which Home Rule has been 
treated is the more to be deplored as the subject is one which does 
not lend itself readily to the trivialities of party debates It raises 
questions of principle, not of detail It ascends at once^into 
the highest region of politics It is conversant with the great 
questions of constitutional and international law, and leads to an 
inquiry into the veiy nature of governments and the various modes 
in which communities of men are associated together either as simple 
or composite ^ To doserbe those modes in detail would be 
Si^ra history of the various despotic, monaichical, oligarchical, 
"^^nd democratic systems of government which have oppressed or 
made happy the children of men Such a description Is calculated to 
perplex and mislead fiom its very extent , not so an inquiry into the 
powers of government, and a classification of those powers They 
are limited m extent, and, if we confine ourselves to English names 
land English necessities, we shall readily attain to an apprehension of 
the mode in which empires, nations, and political societies are 
bound together, at least in so far as such knowledge is required for 
the understanding of the nature of Imperial supremacy, and the 
mode m which Home Rule in Ireland is calculated to affect that 

Now the powers of government are divisible into two great classes 
— 1 Imperial powers , 2 State powers, using " State " in the 
American sense of a political community subordinated to some other 
power, and not m the sense of an independent nation The Imperial 
powers are in English law described as the prerogatives of the Crown, 
^nd consist in the mam of the powers of making peace and war, of 
maintaining armies and fleets and regulating commerce, and making 
itreaties with foreign natibns State powers are complete powers of 
local self-government, desenbed m our colonial Constitutions as powers 
to make laws for the peace, order, and good government of the 
’Colony or State " in which such powers are to be exercised 

Intermediate between the Imperial and State powers are a classy 
of powers required to prevent disputes and facilitate intercourse 
between the various parts of an empire or other composite system 
of States — for example, the coinage of money, and other regulations 
. relating to the currency , the laws relating to copyright, or other 

* Dicey, p 223 



cxclu£ve righj;s to the use and profits of any works or inventions , and 
so forth These powers may be described as quasi- Imperial powers 
Having arrived at a competent knowledge of the materials out of 
which governments are formed, it may be well to proceed to a 
consideration of the manner in which' those materials have been 
worked up in building the two great Anglo-Saxon composite nations — 
namely, the American Union and the British Empire — for, if we 
find that the arrangements proposed by the Irish Homo Rule Bill 
are strictly in accordance with the principles on which the umty of 
the American Union was based and on which the Imperial power of 
Great Britain has rested for centuries, the conclusion must be that 
the’Irish Home Rule Bill is not antagonistic to the unity of the 
Empire or to the supremacy of the Biitish Pailiainent 

In discussing these matters it will be convenient to begin with the 
American Union, as it is less extensive in area and more homo- 
geneous in its construction than the British Empire The thirteen 
revolted American colonics, on the conclusion of then war With 
England, found themselves in the position of thirteen independent 
States having no connection with each other The common tie of 
supremacy exercised by the mother country was broken, and each 
State was an independent nation, possessed both oi Imperial and 
Local rights 

• The impossibility of a cluster of thirteen small independent 
nations maintaining their independence against foreign aggressioji 
became immediately apparent, and, to remedy this evil, the thiriecn 
States appointed delegates to form a convention authoiized to weld 
them into one body as respected Imperial powers This was 
attempted to be done by the establishment of a central body called 
a Congress, consisting of delegates from the component States, and 
invested with all the powers designated above as Imperial and quasi- 
Impcrial powers The expenses incurred by the confederacy were 
to be defrayed out of a common fund, to be supplied by requisitions 
made on the several States In effect, the confederacy of the thir- 
teen States amounted to little more than an offensive and defensive 
alliance between thirteen independent nations If the State of New 
York refused to pay its share of (say) 100,000 dollars into the com- 
mon treasury, all Congress could do was to ask the twelve other 
•States to send their contingent of men to the federal army, and make 
war on New York Similarly, if New York passed a State law in- 
fringing the federal law as to Customs duty, war by the twelve States 
against the one errihg member was the only remedy A system 
depeudent for its efficacy on the concurrence of so many separate 
^communities contained in itself the seeds of dissolution, and it soon 
became apparent that one of two things must occur — either the 
American States must cease as such to be a nation, or the com- 




poncnt members of that union must each be prepared to relinquish 
a further portion of the sovereign or quasi-sovereign powers which it 
possessed Under those circumstances, what was the course taken 
by the thirteen States ^ They felt that they were in the position of the 
loose bundle of sticks, held together by a band liable to be broken 
at any moment They were determined to be compacted into a solid 
nation, as firm and close in construction as could be made bv political 
joinery The readiest and most obvious mode of carrying this 
object into effect would have been for each State to have accepted 
the position of a county in an Amciican kingdom, retaining its 
Legislative Assemblies and legislative powers for county purposes only 
The States, howevei, were unwilling to part with all their higher 
legislative powers, and they perceived that it was quite possible to 
maintain complete unity and compactness as a nation if, m addition 
to investing the Supreme Government with Imperial and quasi- 
Impenal powers, they added full power to impose federal taxes on 
the component States and established an Executive furnished with 
ample means to carry all federal powers into effect through the 
medium of fedcial officers The government so formed consisted 
of a President and two elected Houses called Congicss, and, as a 
balance-wheel of the Constitution, a Supreme Court was established, 
to which was confided the task of deciding in case of dispute all 
questions arising under the Constitution of the United Stales or 
relating to International law The Executive of the United States, 
with the President as its source and licad, was furnished with full 
authoritj and power to enfoicc the federal laws The army and 
na'iy were undei its command, and it was provided with courts of 
justice, and subordinate officcis to enforce the decrees of those courts 
throughout the length and breadth of the Union Above all, a com- 
plete svstem of federal taxation supplied the Central Government 
with the necessary funds to perfoim effectually all the functions of a 
supreme national government 

The nature of tl e Constitution of the United States will be best 
understood by considering the position in which its subjects stand to 
tie Central Government and their own State Governments In effect, 
every inhabitant of the United States has a double nationality He 
belongs to one great nation called the United States, or, as it would 
be more aptly called to show its absolute unity, the American 
Eepublic, having jurisdiction over the whole surface of ground com- 
prised in the area of the United States He is also a citizen of a 
smaller local and partially self-governing body— more important than 
a county, but not approaching the position of a nation— called a State 

It IS no part of the object of this article to enter into the details 
of the American government, its adiantages or defects This much, 
however, is clear — the American Constitution has lasted nearly one 



bundled years, and shows no signs of decay or disruption 
It has stood the strain of the greatest war of modern times, 
and has emerged from the conflict stronger than before Even 
during the war the autagonism of the rebels was directed, not 
against the Union, but against the efforts of the Northern States 
to suppress slavery, or, in other words, to destrov, as the Southern 
States believed (not unjustly as the event showed) their property 
in slaves, and consequently the only means they had of making 
their estates profitable One conclusion, then, we may draw, 
that a nation in which the Imperial powers and the State powers are 
vested in different authorities is no less compact and powerful, as respects 
all national capacities, than a nation in which both classes of powers 
arc wielded by 'the same functionaries , and one lesson more may be 
learnt from the American War of Secession — namely, that in a nation 
having such a division of powers, any conflict between the two classes 
results in the Supreme or Imperial powers prevailing over the Local 
governmental powers, and not in the latter invading oi driving a 
wedge into the Supreme powers In fact, the tendency in case of a 
struggle is towards an undue centralization of the nation by reason 
of the encroachment of the Supreme power, rather than towards 
wccikening of the national unity by separatist action of the consti- 
tuent members of the nation 

In comparing the Constitution of the United States with the 
Constitution of the British Empire, we find an apparent resemblance 
in form as lespccts the Anglo-Saxon colonies, but underlying the 
surface a total difference of principle The United States is an 
^gg^egate of homogeneous and contiguous States which, in order to 
weld themselves into a nation, gave up a portion of their rights to a 
central authority, reserving to themselves all powers of government 
which thev did not expressly relinquish 

The British Empire is an aggregate of many communities under 
one common head, and is thus described by Mr Burke in 1774, in 
language which may seem to have been somewhat too enthusiastic at 
the time when it was spoken, but at the present day does not more 
than do justice to an Empire which comprises one-sixth of the habi- 
table globe in extent and population — 

“ I look, I say, on tlie Impen il rights of Great Britain, and the privileges 
which the colonies ought to enjoy under those rights, to be just the most 
« reconcilable things in the world The Parliament of Great Britain sits at the 
head of her extensive Empire in two capacities one as the local Legislature of 
this island, providing for all things at home immediately and by no other in- 
strument than the executive power , the other, and I think her nobler capacity, 
IS what I call her Imperial Aaracter, m which, as from the throne of heaven, 
she superintends all the several Legislatures, and guides and controls them all 
without annihilating any As all these provincial Legislatures are only co- 
ordinate with each other, they ought all to be subordinate to her, else they 



can neither presei vc mutual peace, nor hope for mutual justice, nor effectually 
afford mutual assistance 

The means by which the possessions of Great Britain were acquired 
have been is various as the possessions themselves The European, 
Asiatic, and African possessions became ours by conquest and cession , 
the American by conquest, treaty, and settlement , the Australasian 
bv settlement, and bv that dubious system of settlement known by the 
name of annexation Now, what is the link which fastens each of 
these possessions to the mother country ^ Surely it is the inherent and 
indestructible right of the British Crown to exercise Imperial powers 
— in other ’\\oids,thc supremacy of the Queen and the British Parlia- 
ment ^ What, ag'iin, is the common bond ot union between these 
vast colonial possessions, differing in laws, in rel gion, and in the cha- 
racter of the population ^ The same answer must be given the 
joint and several tie, so to speak, is the same — namely, the sove- 
reigntv of Great Britain It is true that the mode in which the 
materials composing the British Empire have been cemented together 
IS exactly the reverse of the manner of the construction of the 
American Union In the case of the Union, independent States 
voluntarily relinquished a portion of their sovereignty to secure 
national unity, and entrusted the guardianship of that unity to a 
representative body chosen by themselves Such a union was based 
on contract, and could only be constructed by communities which 
claimed to be independent Par different have been the circum- 
stances under which England has developed itself into the British 
Empire England began as a sovereign power, having its sovereignty 
vested at first solely in the Sovereign, but gradually in the Sovereign 
and Parliament This soveieignty neither the Crown nor the Parlia- 
ment can, jointly oi severally, get rid of, for it is of the very essence 
of a sovereign power that it cannot, by Act of Parliament or other- 
wise, bind its successors I This principle of supremacy has never 
been lost sight of by the British Parliament Their right to alter 
or suspend a colonial Constitution has never been disputed Contract 
never enteis into the question Tlie dominant authority delegates to 
its subordinate ^communities as much or as little power as it deems 
advantage ^ach body, and, if it sees fit, resumes a portion or 

the w^ '^^legated authority The last point of difference 

to b the American Constitution and the Constitution 

of 1 AJiupire IS the fact that as Minerva sprang from the 

brain of Jupiter fully equipped, so the American Constitution came 
forth from the hands of its framers complete and, what is of more 
importance, practically in material matters unchangeable except by 

* Burlie’s Speach on American taxation, vol i p 174 

+ This 18 the opinion of both English and American lawyers See Blackstoae*a Comm 
on Jurisprudence, i 226 As to American cases, see Corley on Conatitu- 



the agony of an internecine war or some overwhelming passions The 
British Empire^ on the other hand, is, as respects fts component 
members, ever in progress and flux An Anglo-Saxon colony, no less 
than a human being, has its infancy under the maternal care of a 
governor, its boyhood subject to the go\ernment of a representative 
council and an Executive appoinied by the Crown, its manhood under 
Home Rule and responsible government, in which the Executive are 
bound to vacate their offices whene\ei they are out-voted in the Legis- 
lature Changes are ever taking place in the growth, so to speak, of 
the several British possessions, but what is the result ^ Nobody ever 
dreams of these changes injuring the Imperial tie or the supremacy 
of the British Parliament, that alone towers abo\e all, unchangeable 
and unimpaired , and, what is most notable, loyalty and devotion ta 
the Crown — that is to say, the Imperial tie — so far fron^ being 
weakened by the transition of a colony from a state of dependence 
in local affairs to the higher degree of a self-governing colony, are* 
on the contrary, strengthened almost in direct proportion as the 
central interference with local affairs is diminished On this 
point an unimpeachable witness — Mr Menvale — says “ What, 
then, arc the lessons to be learnt from a consideration of the 
American Constitution and of our colonial system ^ Surely these 
that Imperial unity and Imperial supremacy arc in no degree 
dependent on the control exercised by the central power on its 
dependent members Pacts, however, are more conclusive than 
any arguments , and we have only to look back to the state some 
forty years ago of Canada, New Zealand, and the various colonies 
of Australia, and compare that state with their condition to-day, to 
come to the conclusion that the fullest power of local government 
IS perfectly consistent with the unity of the Empire and the 
supremacy of the British Parliament Under the old colonial 
Constitutions the Executive of those colonies was under the control 
of the Clown, and Mr Mcnvalc says "that the political existence 
consisted of a scries of quarrels and reconciliations between the two 
opposing authontics — the colonial legislative body and the Execu- 
tive nominated by the Crown ” England resolved to give up the con- 
trol of the Executive, and to grant complete responsible governmeift — 
that IS to say, the Governor of each colony was instructed that his 
Executive Council (or Ministry, as we should call it) must resign 
whenever they were out- voted by the legislative body The effect of 
this change, Jhis relaxing, as would be supposed, of the Imperial tie,, 
was magical, and is thus described by Mr Menvale ^ 

“ The magnitude of that change — the extraordinary rapidity of its bene- 
fieial effects — it is scarcely possible to exaggerate None but those who have 

* “ Lectures on the Colonies/ p 641 



traced it can realise the sudden spring made by a young community under 
Its first relc ise from the old tie of subjeaion, moderate as that tie really 
The cessation, as if by magic, of the old irritant sores between colony 
and mother countr;^ is the first result \ot only are they at concord, but 
they seem to le ivt haidly any traces m the public mind behind them Confi- 
dence and xffettion towards the home, still fondly so termed by the colonist 
IS xi cll as the emigrant, seem to supersede at once distrust and hostility 
Loyalty^ uhich was before the badge of a class suspected by the rest of the 
community, became the common w itchword of all, and, with some extrava- 
g nice in the sentiment, there arises no small share ot its nobleness and devo- 
tion Communities, whuh but a few yeai 3 ago would have wnngled over 
the sm illest item of public expenditure to which they were invited by the 
Executive to contribute, hi\e vied with each otner m their subscriptions to 
purposes of British interests m response to calls ot hununity, or munificence 
for obiects but indistinctly heard of at the distince of half the world ” 

The Domiuiou of Canada lias been so muci talked about that it 
may be well to give a summary of its Constitution, though, 
in so far as regards its relations to the mother country, it differs 
in no material respect from any other self-governing colony The 
Dominion consists of seven provinces, each of which has a Legis- 
lature of its own, but IS at the same time subject to the Legislature 
of the Dominion, in the same manner as each State m the 
American Union has a Legislature of its own, and is at the 
same time subject to the control of Congress The distinguishing 
feature between the system of the American States and the asso- 
ciated colonies of the Dominion of Canada is this — that all Imperial 
poweis, everything tiiat constitutes a people a nation as respects 
foreigners, are reserved to the mothei country The duision, 
then, of the Dominion and its provinces consists only in a di- 
vision of Local powers It is impossible to mark accurately 
the line between Dominion and Provincial powers, but, speaking 
generally. Dominion powers relate to such matters — for example, the 
regulation of trade and commerce, postal service, currency, and so forth 
— as require to be dealt with on a uniform principle throughout the 
whole area of a country , while the Provincial powers relate to pro- 
vincial and municipal institutions, provincial licensing, and other 
subjects restricted to the limits of the province As a general rule, 
th^ Legislature of the Dominion and the Legislature of each 
province have respectively exclusive jurisdiction within the limits 
of the subjects entrusted to them , but, as respects agriculture and 
immigration, the Dominion Parliament have power to overrule any 
Act of the provincial Legislatures, and, as respects property and civil 
rights in Ontario, Nova Scotia, and New Brunswick, the Dominion. 
Parliament may legislate with a view to uniformity, but their legisla- 
tion is not valid unless it is accepted by the Legislature of each 
province to which it applies ^ 

The executive authority in the Dominion Goverument, as m all the 



aelf-goveming colouies, is carried on by the Governor in the name of 
the Queen, but 'with the advice of a Council that is to say, as to all 
Imperial matters, he is under the control of the mother country , as 
to all local matters, he acts on the advice of his local Council The 
result of the whole is that the citizenship of an inhabitant of the 
Dominion of Canada is a triple tie Suppose him to reside in the 
province of Quebec First, he is a citi/en of tint province, and 
bound to obey all the laws which it is within the competence of the 
provincial Legislature to pass Next, he is a citizen of the Dominion 
of Canada, and acknowledges its jurisdiction m all matters outside 
the legitimate sphere of the province Lastly, and above all, he is a 
subject of her Majesty He is to all intents and purposes, as respects 
the vast company ot nations, an Englishman, entitled to all the 
privileges as he is to all the glory of the mother country so far as 
such privileges can be enjoyed and glory participated in without^ 
actual residence m England One startling point of likeness in 
events and iinlikcntss m consequences is to be found in the history 
of Ireland and Canada In 1798 Ireland rebelled Protestant and 
Catholic were arrayed in arms against each other The rebellion 
was quenched in blood, and measures of repression have been m foice, 
with slight intervals of suspension, ever since, with this result — that 
the Ireland of 1886 is scarcely less disloyal and discontented than the 
Ireland of 1798 In 1837 and 1838 Canadi rebelled Protestants 
and Catholics, differing in nationality as well as in religion, were 
arrayed in arms against each other The rebellion was quelled with 
the least possible violence, a free Constitution was given, and the 
Canada of 1886 is the largest, most lojal, and most contented colony 
in her Majesty^s dominions 

Assuming, then, thus much to be pioved by the Constitution of the 
United States that national unity of the closest description is con- 
sistent with complete Home Rule in the component members of the 
nation, and by the history of Canada and the British colonial 
empire that an Imperial tie is sufficient to bind together for centuries 
dependencies differing in situation, m nationalitj, in religion, in laws, 
in everything that distinguishes peoples one from another, and furthei 
and more particularly that emancipation of the Anglo-Saxon colonies 
from control in their internSl affairs strengthens instead of weaken- 
ing Imperial unity, let us turn to Ireland and inquire whether 
there is anything in the circumstances under which Home Rule was 
proposed to be granted to Ireland, or in the measures intended to 
establish that Home Rule, fairly leading to the infeience that dis- 
ruption of the Empire or an impairment of Imperial powers would 
probably be a consequence of passing the Irish Government Bill and 
the Insh Land Bill And, first, as to the circumstances which would 
seem to recommend the Irish Home Rule Bill 



Ireland, from the very commencement of her connection with 
England, has chafed under the restraints which that connection 
imposed The closer the apparent union between the two countries 
the greater the real disunion The Act of 1800, in tvords and in law^ 
eficctcd not a union merely, but a consolidation of the two countries 
The effect of those words and that law was to give rise to a restless 
discontent, which has constantly found expression in efforts to 
procure the repeal of the Act of Union and the re-establishment 
of a National Parliament in Dublin How futile have been the 
efforts of the British Parliament to diminish by concession or 
repress by coercion Irish aspirations oi Irish discontent it is 
unnecessary to discuss here All men admit the facts, howevei 
different the conclusions which they draw from those facts What 
Burke said of America on moving in 1775 his resolution on concilia- 
♦tion with the colonics was true in 1885 with respect to Ireland — 

'‘The fact is undoubted, that under foimti Parliaments the stnte oi 
America [ic id for Aincric i, Irchnd] his been kept in continu il igitation 
Iver^thing administered as itnicdy to the public comphint, if it did not 
produce, was at followed by m heightening of the distcinpoi, until, b) a 
virietyof evperinients, that import int country his been brought into Inr 
present situation — a situition which I will not miscall, which I due not 
name, which I scarcely know how to comprehend in the terms of any de 
scnption ’’ * 

At length, after the election of 1883 Mi Gladstone and the majority 
of his followers came to the conclusion that an opportunity had 
presented itself for providing Ireland with a Constitution confer- 
iiug on the people of that country the largest measure of self-govern- 
ment consistent with the absolute supremacy of the Crown and the 
Imperial Parliament and the entire unity of the Empire A scheme 
was pioposed which was accepted in piinciple by the representatives 
pf the National party m Ireland as a fair and sufficient adjustment 
of the Imperial claims of Great Britain and the Local claims of Ireland 
Tpe scheme w as shortly this A Legislative Assembly was proposed to 
be estabhslicd in Ireland with power to make all laws necessary for the 
good government ot Ireland — ^iii other words, invested with the same 
powers of local self-go\ernmcnt as a colonial Assembly The 
Insh Assembly was in one respect njahkc a colonial Legislature 
It consisted of one House only, but this House was divided into 
two orders, each of which, in case of differences on any important 
legislative matter, voted separately This form was adopted m 
order to minimize the -chauces of collision between the two orders, 
by making it imperative on each order to hear the arguments of 
the othei before proceeding to a division, thus throwing on the 
dissentient order the full responsibility of its dissent, with a com- 

* Burke, \ol i p 181 



plete knowledge of the consequences likely to ensue therefrom The 
clause conferring on the Irish Legislature full powers of local 
self-government was immediately followed by a provision excepting, 
by enumeration, from any interference on the part of the Irish 
Legislature, all Imperial powers, and declaring any enactment 
void which infringed on that provision This exception (as is well 
known) is not found in colonial Constitutional Acts In them 
the restriction of the words of the grant to Local powers only has 
been held sufficient to safeguard the supremacy of the British 
Parliament and the unity of the Empire The reason for making 
a difference in the case of the Home Rule Bill was political, not 
legal Separation was declaied by the enemies of the Bill to be 
the real intention of its supporters, and destruction of the unity of 
the Empire to bo itis certain consequence It seemed well that 
Ireland, by her representatives, should accept as a satisfactory 
charter of Irish liberty a document which contained an express 
submission to Imperial power and a direct acknowledgment of 
Imperial unity Similarly with respect to the supremacy of the 
British Parliament In the colonial Constitutions all reference to 
this supremacy is omitted as being too clear to require notice In 
the case of the Irish Home Rule Bill instructions were given to 
preserve in express words the supremacy of the British Parliament 
in ordei to pledge Ireland to an express admission of that supiemacy 
by the same vote which accepted Local powers It is true that the 
wording by the draftsman of the sentence reserving the supiemacy 
of Parliament was justly found fault with as inaccurate and doubt* 
fill, but that defect would have been cured by an amendment m 
Committee , and, even if there had not been any such clause m the 
Bill, it IS clear, from what has been said above, that the Imperial 
Legislature could not, if it would, renounce its supremacy or 
abdicate its sovereign powers The executive government in 
Ireland was continued in the Queen, to be carried on by the Lord 
Lieutenant on behalf of her Majesty, with the aid of such officers 
and Council as to her Majesty might from time to time seem fit 
Her Majesty was also a constituent part of the Legislature, with 
power to delegate to the Lord Lieutenant the prerogative of assent- 
ing to or dissenting from Bills, and of summoning, proroguing, and 
dissolving Parliament Under these provisions the Lord Lieutenant 
resembled the Governor of a colony with responsible government ^ 
He was invested with a double authonty— first, Imperial , secondly^ 
Local As an Imperial officer, he was bound to veto any Bill injun* 
ously affecting Imperial interests or inconsistent with general Imperial 
policy , as a Local officer, it was his duty to act in alf local matters 
according to the advice of his Council, whose tenure of office 
depended on their being in harmony with, and supported by, a 



majority of the Legislative Assembly Questions relating to the 
constitutionality of any particular law were not left altogether to the 
decision of the Governor If a Bill containing a provision infringing 
Imperial rights passed the Legislature, its validity might be decided 
m the fiist instance by the ordinary courts of law, but the ultimate 
appeal lay to the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council, and, with 
a view to secure absolute impartiality m the Committee, it was 
provided that Ii eland should be represented on that body by persons 
who either were or had been Irish judges Not the least important 
provision of the Bill, as respects the maintenance of Imperial 
interest^a, was the continuance of Imperial taxation The Customs 
and Excise duties were directed to be leiicd, as heretofore, in pur- 
suance of the enactments of the Imperial Parliament, and were 
excepted from the control of the Irish Legislature, which had full 
power, with that exception, to impose such taxes in Ireland as they 
might think expedient The Bill further piovided that neither the 
Imperial taxes of Excise nor any Local taxes that might be imposed 
by the Irish Legislature should be paid into the Irish Exchequer An 
Imperial officer, called the Receiver-General, was appointed, into 
whose hands the produce of every tax, both Imperial and Local, was 
required to bo paid, and it was the duty of the Receiver General to 
take cai^ that all claims of the English Exchequer, including 
especially the contribution payable by Ireland for Imperial purposes, 
were satisfied before a farthing found its way into the Irish Ex- 
chequer foi Irish purposes The Receiver-General was provided 
with an Imperial Court to enforce his rights of Imperial taxation, 
and adequate means for enforcing all Imperial powers by Imperial 
civil officers The Bill did not provide for the representation of 
Ireland m the Imperial Parliament on all Imperial questions, 
including questions relating to Imperial taxation, but it is fully 
understood that in any Bill which might hereafter be brought forward 
relating to Home Rule those defects would be remedied 

An examination, then, of the Home Rule Bill, that " child of revo- 
lution and paicnt of separation,^' appears to lead irresistibly to two 
conclusions First, that Imperial rights and Imperial powers, 
representation for Imperial purposes. Imperial taxation — in short, 
every link that binds a subordinate member of an Empire to its 
supreme head — have been maintained unimpaired and unchanged 
• Secondly, that, in granting Home Rule to discontented Ireland, 
that form of responsible government has been adopted which, as 
Mr Menvale declares — and his declaration subsequent events have 
more than verified — when conferred on the discontented colonies, 
changed restless aspirations for separation into quiet loyalty 

That such a Bill as the Home Rule Bill should be treated a&van 
invasion of Imperial rights is a proof of one, or perhaps of both, the 



following axioms — that Bills are never read by their accusers^ 
and that party spirit will distort the plainest facts The union of 
Great Britain and Ireland was not, so far as Imperial powers were 
concerned, disturbed by the Bill, and an Irishman remains a citizen 
of the British Empire under the Home Rule Bill, with the same 
obligations and the same privileges, on the same terms as before All 
the Bill did was to make his Irish citizenship distinct from his 
Imperial citizenship, in the same manner as the citizenship of a native 
of the State of New York is distinct from his citizenship as a member 
of the United States Now it has been found that the Central powei 
in the United States has been more than a match for the State powers, 
and can it be conceived for a moment that the Imperial power of 
Great Biitain should not be a match for the local power of Ireland — 
a State which has not one-seventh of the population or one-twcntieth 
part of the income of the dominant community ? 

One argument remains to be noticed which Mr Dicey and the 
opponents of Home Rule urge as absolutely condemnatory of the 
measure, whereas, if properly weighed, it is conclusive in its favour 
Home Rule, they say, is a mere quejstion of sentiment National 
aspirations are the twaddle of English enthusiasts who know nothing 
of Ireland What is really wanted is the reform of the Land Law 
Settle the agrarian problem, and Home Rule may be relegated to the 
place supposed to be paved with good intentions The Irish will 
straightway change their character, and become a law-abiding, con- 
tented, loyal people Be it so But suppose it to be proved that the 
establishment of an Irish Government, oi, in other words, Home 
Rule, IS an essential condition of agrarian refoim — that the latter 
cannot be had without the former — surely Home Rule should stand 
none the worse m the estimation of its opponents if it not only 
secures a safe basis for putting an end to agrarian exasperation, 
but also gratifies the feeling of the Irish people as expressed by the 
majority of its representatives in Parliament ^ Now, what is the 
nature of the Irish Land Question ? This wc must understtind before 
considering the remedy In Ii eland (meaning by Ireland that part 
of the country which is in the hands of tenants, and falls within the 
compass of a Land Bill) the tenure of land is wholly unlike that 
which 18 found in the greater part of England Instead of large 
farms in which the landlord makes all the improvements and 
the tenant pays rent for the privilege of cultivating the land 
and receives the produce, small holdings are found in which the 
tenant does the improvements (if any) and pays a fixed rent- 
charge to the owner In England the tenant does not perform the 
obligations or in any way aspire to the character of owner If he 
thinks he can get a cheaper farm, he quits his foimer one, regarding 
his interest in the land as a mere matter of pounds, shillings, and 



pence Not so the Irish tenant He has made what he calls im- 
provements, he claims a quasi-ownership in the land, and has the 
characteristic Celtic attachment for the patch of ground forming his 
holding, however squalid it may be, however inadequate for his 
Mippoit In short, m Ireland there is a dual ownership — that of the 
proprietor, who has no interest in the soil so long as the tenant pays 
his rent and fulfils the conditions of his tenancy, and that of the 
tenant, who, subject to the payment of his rent and performance of 
the fixed conditions, acts, thinks, and carries himself as the owner of 
his holding A system, then, of agrarian lefoim in Ireland resolves 
itself into an inquiry as to the best mode of putting an end to this 
dual ownership — that is to say, of making the tenant the sole pro-^ 
prietor of his holding, and compensating the landlord for his interest 
in the ownership The problem is furthei narrowed by the circum- 
stance that the tenant cannot be expected to advance any capital or 
pay an increased rent, so that the means of compensating the landlord 
must be found out of the existing rent 

The plan adopted in Mr Gladstone's Land Bill was to commuti 
the rent-charges, oflering the landlord, as a general rule, twenty years’ 
purchase on the net rental of the estate (that is to say, the rent 
received by him after deducting all outgoings), and paying him the 
purchase-money in Li per cent stock taken at par The stock was to 
be advanced by the English Government to an Irish State department 
at 3^ per cent interest, and the Bill provided that the tenant, instead 
of rent, was to pay an annuity of €4 pci cent on a capital sum 
equal in amount to twenty times the gross icntal An illustration 
will most leadily show how the plan woiks, it being only neccssaiy 
to premise that an annuity of €4 pei cent paid for a period of forty- 
nine years will discharge all principal and interest due m respect of a 
capital sum lent at per cent 

Bearing the foregoing assumption in mind, let John Jones be the 
tenant of the Shannon holding at £10 a year, and John Brown the 
landlord * Then the account stands as follows — Shannon holdings 
eiO a year gross rent Assume the outgoings to be £20 per cent , then 
the sura payable to the landlord = twenty times the gross rent, after de- 
duct;ing 20 per cent for outgoings — that is to say, £20 x €10= £200-- 
£40= £160 The sum payable by the tenant = fi 1 per cent on ten years’ 
purchase of gross rental — that is to say, £1 per cent on £200, or £8 
a year for forty-nine years England lends Ireland £160 stock at ^ 
3^ per cent to pay the landlord And, inasmuch as an annuity of £4 
per cent pays off principal and interest of money lent at 3J per 
cent in forty-nine years, the Irish authority pays oflf the debt m 
forty-nine years by a payment of £4 per cent on £160, or £6 8^ , for 
lorty-nme years At the same time, the Insh State authority receives 
from the tenant £8 a year for the same penod, thus gaming l^e 


cHiFerence between €6 8s and £8, or £l 12« , for expenses of collec- 
tion and profit The consequence/ then^ is that by Mr Gladstone's 
plan the landlord obtains twenty years^ purchase on the net rental 
for his estate, tlie tenant^s rent is reduced fiom £10 to £8, the 
Irish Government receives £8 and pays only £G 8s , making an 
annual profit of the difference 

Another mode of putting the case shortly is as follows — The 
English Exchequer lends the money to the Irish Sta^e authority at 
per cent , and an annuity of 4 per cent paid dm mg forty-nine 
years will, as has been stated above, repay both pimcipal and interest 
for every £100 lent at per cent On the sale of an estate under 
the Bill, the landlord receives twenty years purchase , the tenant pays 
64 per cent on twenty years^ purchase of the gross rental , the Irish 
State Authority receives £1 per cent on the gross lental, the English 
Exchequer receives 4 per cent on the net rental only 

The machmeiy, so to speak, of the Land Bill is this — An Impe- 
rial Commission is appointed to see that the landloid obtains a fair 
price for his estate The Irish Government ere ite a Land Depart- 
ment to conduct the business on behalf of the Tush Government 
The tenant requires no piotcction, as his icnt is necessarily reduced, 
and consequently no power ol refusing to become the owner of the 
land was given to him, except in certain special cases It has been 
found, howevci, that tUe absence of a power on the side of the tenant 
to refuse to become proprietoi is liable to misconstiuction, it will be 
advisable, therefore, m a future Bill, to piovidt that the State should 
become the pioprietoi instead of the tenant, if the tenant prefers to 
letairi his existing position instead of becoming an owner on pay- 
ment of a reduced rent for forty-nine years, and should be entitled 
to make what bargain it pleases with the tenant The notable 
feature which distinguishes this plan from all other schemes is the 
security given for the repayment of the purchase-money hitheito 
the English Government has lent the money directly to the landlord 
or tenant, and has become the mortgagee of the land — in other wordf, 
has become in effect the landlord of the land sold to the tenant until 
the repayn? nt of the loan has been completed To carry into effect 
under such system any extensive scheme of agrarian reform (and it 
not extensive such a reform would be of no value in pacifying Ireland) 
presupposes a readiness on the part of the English Government to become 
virtually the landlord of a large portion of Ireland, with the attendant 
i odium of absenteeism and alien domination Under the Land Bill of 
Mr Gladstone all these difficulties are overcome The Irish, not the 
English, Government is the viitual landlord It is the interest of Ire- 
land that the annuities due from the tenants should be regulaily paid, as, 
subject to the pnor charge of the English Exchequer, they form part of 
the Irish revenues It may be objected that the lush Government 



may repudiate the debt , that is rendered impossible by a provision 
that all the Irish revenues, including the land rents, are to be paid 
into the hands of the Imperial Recciver-Geneial, whose office ^^e have 
described abo\e, and it is liis duty to liquidate the debt due to his 
Imperial master, the Impenal Exchequer, before the Irish Govern- 
ment can receive any poitmn of the moneys in his hands The 
position of the Receiver-General has perhaps not been sufBcicntlv 
guarded in the present Bill, and it will be advisable in a future 
Bill to declare that he shall, if he thinks fit, collect the taxes 
by Imperial officers The cardinal difference, then, between Mr 
Gladstone’s scheme and any other land scheme that has seen the 
light 18 this — that m Mr Gladstone’s scheme the English loans are 
lent to the Irish Government on the security of the whole Insh 
revenues, whereas m every other scheme they have been lent by the 
English Government to the Irish creditors on the security of indi- 
vidual patches of land 

The whole question, then, of the relation between Home Rule and 
agrarian reform may oe summed up as follows — Agrarian leform 
is necessary for the pacification of Ireland , agrarian reform cannot 
be efficiently earned into effect without an Irish Government, an 
Irish Government can only be established by a Home Rule Bill 
therefore a Home Rule Bill is necessary for the pacification of 
Ireland It is idle to say, as has been said on numerous platforms, 
that plans no doubt can be devised for agrarian reform without Home 
Rule Ihe Irish revenues are the only collateral security that can 
be obtained for loans of English money, and Irish revenues are only 
available for the purpose on the establishment of an Irish Government 
Baronial guarantees, union guarantees, county guarantees, debenture 
schemes, have all been tried and found wanting, and vague assertions as 
to possibilities are idle unless they are based on intelligible working 

The foregoing arguments will be equally valid if, instead of 
iffaking the tenants peasant-proprietors, it were thought desirable that 
the Irish State should be the proprietor and the tenants be the holders 
of the land at perpetual rents and subject to fixed conditions Again, 
it might be possible to pay the landlords by annual sums instead of 
capital sums Such matters are really questions of detail The 
substance is to interpose the Irish Government between the tenant and 
the English mortgagee, and to make the loans general charges 
on the whole of the Insh Government revenues as paid into 
the hands of an Imperial Receiver instead of placing them as 
special charges, each fixed on its own small estate or holding 
The fact that Mr Gladstone's land scheme has been denounced 
as confiscation of i!100,000,000 of the English taxpayers^ pro- 
perty, while Lord Ashbourne’s Act is pronounced by the same party 



wise and prudent, shows the political blindness of party spirit in its 
most absurd form Lord Ashbourne^s Act requires precisely the same 
expenditure to do the same work as Mr Gladstone's Bill requires, but 
in Mr Gladstone's scheme the whole Irish revenue is pledged as 
^ collateral secuiity, and the Irish Government is interposed between 
the ultimate creditor and the Irish tenant, while under Lord Ash- 
bourne's Act the English Government figures without disguise as the 
landloid of each tenant, exacting a debt which the tenant is unwilling 
to pav as being due to what he calls an alien Government 

An endeavour has been made in the preceding pages to prove that 
Home Rule in no respect infringes on Imperial rights oi Imperial 
^ unity, for the simple reason that the Impeiial power remains exactly 
in the same position as it was before, the Home Rule Bill dealing only 
with Local matteis If this statement be coricct, it disposes at o'nce of a 
great part of Mr Dicey's book A system which docs not aftect 
the Empiie or dimmish the supremacy of the Biitish Parlia- 
ment, which merely confers local self-government on a dependency 
of the Empire not so impoitant to Great Britain as several of her 
colonics, can hardly be said to work irreparable injury to Great 
Britain and the British Empiic " ^ At all events, Burke thought that 
the Imperial supremacy alone constituted a real union between 
England and Ireland He says — 

‘‘My poor opinion is, that the closest connection between Great Biitain and 
Irelind is cssontiil to the well-being — 1 had ilmost said to the very being 
— of the three kingdoms , for til'll purpose 1 humbly conceiie tint the whole 
of the superior, and what 1 should call Imperial politics, ought to have its 
residence here, and tint Iiclind, locally, civilly, and coirmif rcially indc 
pendent, ought politically to look up to Gieat lir^tain in all inattcis of peace 
and war In ill these points to be joined with hci, and, in a woid, with her 
to live and to die 

How strange to Burke would have seemed the doctrine that the 
restoration of a limited power of self-government to Ireland, 
excluding commerce, and excluding all matters not only Imperialji^ 
but those m which uniformity is required, should be denounced as a 
disruption of the Empire * ^ 

* I agree altogether with Mr Dicey when he says " that the welfare 
of thirty millions of citizens must, if a conflict of interest arise, be 
preferred to the interest of five millions of citizens ” — nay, further, 
that it IS an error of democracy to admit that a fraction of a nation 
• has a right to speak with the authority of the whole, and that the 
right of each portion of the people to make its wishes heard involves 
the right to have them granted " J 

What IS contended is, that if the aspirations of the Irish 
people can bei satisfied by a Home Rule Bill which cannot injure 

# Picey, p 16 t ** Letter on Affairs of Ireland,” i 462 t Dicey, pp 17, 29 

%OL. LI. Z 



Imperial rights oi the supremacy of the British Parliament^ it is 
follv to icjcct so cheap a mode of settling a question which has for 
cent Lines been a thorn in the side of the English It is true that, 
unlike ill Dicey, I do not think that in considering Home Kiile 
we ought to separate m the clearest manner matters of business 
fiom matters of feeling It is not, as he afhims, an illusion of 
language or falsely applied historical method to talk of England and 
Ireland ns though they yere two human beings Surely nations 
are actuated by the same passions, the same hopes, the same fears, 
as individuals, and Mr Dicty coirccts himself when, speaking in 
anotlici part of his book, he says that in Gcimany the senti- 
ment of nationality has overridden the political divisions which 
broke up Germany into almost disconnected and often hostile 
States ^^*1; 

On the land question Mr Dicey agiees that histoiical causes have 
generated in Ireland a condition of opinion which in all matters 
icgardmg the land impedes that enforcement of law which is the 
piimarv duty of every civilised government lie then states that, 
instead of such a condition being any argument in fi\om of Home 
ilulc, the proper conclusion is “ that if the popular soui co of discontent 
be agrarian, then the right course is to amend the Land Law^^, while 
improving the admmistiative system and cnfoicing justice between 
man and man^^H The short answer to this is that the necessity for 
amending the Land Laws is the most cogent possible aigumcnt 
for Home llulc, inasmuch as no cftcctual agrdinn reform can 
be earned into effect without an Irish Govcinment and the 
( ollatcral security of the Irish revenues, and that neither the lyish 
Government nor the security of the Irish revenues is obtainable with- 
out a Home llnle Bill IVhat Mr Dicey means by improving the 
administrative system is jiroved by other parts of his book, m which he 
mentions, with apparent approbation, " the official hieraichy which on 
the Continent represents the authority of the State , % and declares 
^'^hat there is nothing objectionable or anomalous in increasing, as time 
goes on, the stringency of criminal procedure ** Why any improve- 
ments *in criminal pioccdure should succeed in checking agrarian ^ 
enme when neither the Act of 1881, which, he justly says, estab- 
lished a despotic government, nor the Act of 1882, which he thinks 
ought to be made permanent, ft was unsuccessful, Mr Dicey does 
not inform us , nor docs he allude to the obvious argument that 
legislation is ineffective to repress crime generated, as agrarian cripoie 
IS, by a sense of injustice, unless it at the same time provides some 
remedy for the injustice In chapter iv he deals with the argument 
in favour of Home Buie derived from foreign experience, by sup- 

* Dicey, p 15 
11 1 

* Ibid p 10 

m: _ an 

t Jlnd p 56 

atj. 71 1 * 

§ Ihid p 



posing that the» Home Rulers hold up for admuation Turkish 
rule, and think that tlie Austro-Hungarian Government, and* the 
Russian administration of Finland, and so foith are examples for 
Home Rule in Ireland Now, a little consideration would have 
shown Mr Dicey that, instead ot adopting foreign types, the framers 
of the Irish Bills proceeded strictly on the lines of the English 
Constitution as embodied in the Ameiican copy of English prero- 
gatives or in oui own colonial Constitutions Foreign examples were 
only adduced to show that countries adverse to each other while 
the one was in a state of dependence to the other became friendly 
as soon as local independence was accorded to the dependent 

Every argument against Home Rule is necessauly based on the 
assumption that it is inexpedient to alter the Act of Union to the 
extent of allowing a separate Legislature in Ireland On this hinges 
the whole case of the opponents to the Home Rule Bill, for, once admit 
the expediency of a separate body with powci to govern Ireland in 
Local matters, and there remains to the framers of the Home Rule 
Bill the compai ativcly easy task of showing tliat the foim they 
have adopted, either m its present shape or with such amendments 
as would not be inconsistent with the principle of the measure, is an 
admirable expedient foi removing Irish ddlicultics It is right, then, 
to examine m detail Mi Diccv^s pica on behalf of tlie maintenance 
of the Union With chaiacteristic candour, he begins bj admitting 
that, although cighty-six ycais have elapsed since the conclusion 
gf the treaty of union between England and Iieland, the two 
countries do not yet form a united nation The Irish people arc, 
if not more wretched (for the u hole European world has made pro- 
gress, and Ireland with it), yet more conscious of wretchedness, and 
Irish disaffection to England is, it not deeper, more idcspread than 
m 1800 t He says that, " if the Union is to be maintained with 
advantage to any part of the United Kingdom, the people of the United 
Kingdom must make the most strenuous, firm, and continuous effoit, 
lasting, it may well be for twenty years or more, to enforce throughout 
every part of the United Kingdom obedience to the law of the land I 
Coupling this expression, enforcing the law of the land,^^ with his 
remarks on coercion in a previous chapter, § it is clear that Mr 
Dicey's maintenance of the Union rests on the same basis as Lord 
Salisbury's — that is to say^ a benevolent despotism for twenty years 
Oa the other hand, to balance, as it were, the foregoing severe saying,, 
he adds that a change of feeling would make it easy for English 
politicians and English voters to perceive that the local affairs of Ireland 
ought to be managed in the Parliament of the United Kingdom in 
accordance with the"' opinion of the parliamentary representatives of 
^ * Dicey, p 61 t P 128 t Ibid p 131 S Rod p 117 



Ireland He does not deny that the maintenance of the Union is 
an arduous effort, and it must be combined with an equally strenuous 
endeavour to see that m Ireland, as in every part of the United 
Kingdom, the demands of the law be made to coincide with the 
demands of morality and of humanity t favour of the Act of 
Union, as 1 understand Mr Dicey^& book, he advances no direct argu- 
ments except that “ it ended once and for all an intolerable condition of 
affairs,^^ J without explaining what the affairs were of which it ended the 
intolerable condition or how it ended them The result, then, of Mr 
Dicey ^8 arguments is this — that the Union ought to be maintained 
by any requisite amount of coercion, but that, in the meantime, the 
agrarian feud must be put in end to bv making the tenants propiietors 
of the land, and Ireland must be governed by laws conformable to 
morality and humanity, and passed m accordance with the demands 
of the Irish representatives Now, such being Mr DiceyS pro- 
gramme, is theic any material part of it within the sphere of piactical 
politics except through the medium of Home Rule and a Land Bill 
dependent on Home Rule ? The twenty years of benevolent despotism 
which Mr Dicey and Lord Salisbury rightly considci essential to the 
well-governing of Ireland undc^ the Union arc absolutely certain not 
to come to pass, and, if they did come to pass, it is hard to see why 
twenty future yeais of cocicion sliould effect what past centuries 
of coerene rule hive failed to effect Iiirthor, how cm Ireland 
be governed according to the wishes ot Ireland with cocicion^ and 
how can the agraiian feud be stamped out without a Land Bill ^ And 
jet, as has been shown above, an effective Land Bill cannot be passed 
without the establishment of a National Government in Iicland The 
only material objection to Home Rule is the allegation tint it is in- 
juiious to the unity of the Empire and the supremacy of Barliament — 
a charge which has been sufficiently disposed of in the previous pages 
Having decided that the X^nion ought to be maintained, and, as a con- 
sequence, that Home Rule ought to be rejected, it seems a work of 
supererogation m Mr Dicey to go tluough the various forms of Home 
Rule — namely, federation, colonial independence, Grattan^s Constitu 
tioujthc Gladstonian Constitution — and condemn each form separately 
“Why, he should make his anathemas joint and several With respect 
to federation, it undoubtedly, as Mi Dicey says, is m effect the 
result of a written compact between independent States, who form a 
union together on equal terms, and it is a mere confusion of thought 
to treat federation as having in pnnciple, though it may have in form, 
anything in common with Imperialism, meaning by Imperialism the 
relation between the head of the Empire " and the component parts of 
the great political union of communities of which our Empire is com- 
posed ” Federation would undoubtedly, as Mn Dicey avers, destroy 
^ Dicey, p m fJM, p, 140 $ Jbtd p 132 



the supremacy of the British PiCrliament, and not only that^ but 
the existence of the Empire , but, for the reasons stated above, 
federation between the dominant head of the Empir^ and a dependent 
community is a contradiction in terms, and never was dreamt of 
by the framers of the Home Rule Bill Colonial independence 
appears to commend itself to Mr I)icey as the best form (though 
bad at the best) of Home Rule for Ireland, but he thinks the conse- 
quent power of Ireland to have an army and na\y would be dangerous 
Mr Gladstone’s Home Rule Bill maintains the Union in respect 
of the army and navy and all other Imperial matters The Irish- 
man, for the purposes of peace and war, remains subject to the British 
Parliament in all respects as he has hitherto been lie has by a 
great majority of his repiesentatives stated that he is satisfied with 
Local self government and Imperial submission Why Mr Dicey 
should think it conducive to the unity of the Empire to disehargc 
the Irishman from his Imperial obligations docs not appear, and 
is diflGcult to discover Grattan^s Constitution granted an indepen- 
dence more complete in law, though perhaps not more complete in 
inacticc, than colonial independence It is theieforc condemned at 
once as being inapplicable to the state of things which the Home 
Rule Bill was intended by its framers to establish m Ireland 

To conclude One charge made against the Oladstonian Home 
Rule Bill IS that of impauing the supremacy of the British Par- 
liament That allegation has been shown also to be founded on a 
mistake Next, it is said that the Gladstonian scheme docs not provide 
securities against executive apd legislative oppression The answer is 
complete The executive authority being vested in the Queen, it will 
be the duty of the Governor not to allow executive oppression, 
still more will it be Ins duty to veto any act of legislative oppression 
Further, it is stated that difficulties will arise with respect to the power 
of the Privy Council to nullify unconstitutional Acts But it is hard 
to see why a power which is exercised with success in the United States, 
where all the States are equal, and without dispute in our colonies, 
which arc all dependent, should not be carried into eftcct with equal 
ease in Ireland, which is more closely bound to us and more com- 
pletely under our power than the colonies afe, or than the several 
States are undei the power of the Central Government y 

Mr Dicey sums up the whole matter as follows — / 

“ If the passion of nationality is the cause of the malady, then tW proposed 
cure is useless, for the Home Kule Bill will not turn the people oMreland into 
a nation If a vicious system of land tenure is the cause of the lawlessness, then 
the restoration or re creation of the Irish Parliament is nw^dlcss, for the 
Parliament ot the United Kingdom can reform, and ought to reform, the 
land system ol Ireland, and ought to be able to carry through a finaUsettlement of 
agrarian disputes with less injustice to individuals than could any Parliament 
sitting at Dublin ” * 

♦ Dicej, p 279 



Mr Dicey, by thus separating" Home Rule and agrarian reform, 
obscures and misrepresents the whole situation The cause of Irish 
discontent is the conjoint operation of the passion for nationality 
and the vicious system of land tenure, and the scheme of the Irish 
Home Rule Rill and the Land Bill removes the whole fabric on which 
Irish discontent is raised The Irish, by the great majority of their 
representatives, have accepted the Home Rule Bill as a satisfactory 
settlement of the nationality question The British Parliament can, 
through the medium of the Home Rule Bill and the establishment of 
an Irish Legislature, carry through a final settlement of agrarian dis- 
putes with less injustice to individuals than could a Parliament sitting 
in Dublm, and, be it added, with scarcely any appreciable ^sk to the 
British taxpayer Of course it may be said that an Irish Parliament 
will go farther — that Home Rule is a step to separation, and a reform 
of the Land Laws a spoliation of the landlords To those who urge 
such arguments I iivould recommend the perusal of the speech of 
Burke on Conciliation uith America, and especially the following 
sentences, substituting “ Ireland foi the colonics — 

“ But [the Colonics] lie land 'will go fuithcr AUs’ aUs’ 'when will this 
speculating against fact and reason end ^ hat will quiet these panic feais 
which we entertain of the hostile effect of a conciliatory conduct Is it true 
that no case can exist in 'which it is proper lor the Sovereign to accede to the 
desires of his discontented subjects Is tlicic an} thing peculiftr iii this case to 
make it a rule for itself? Is all authority ot course lost when it is not pushed 
to the extreme Is it a certim maxim tint the fewer c luses of discontent- 
ment are left by Government the more the subject will bi inclined to resist 
and rebel ? ” 



T ransylvania has not maptly been described as a store- 
house of different nationalities, and it would probably be hard 
to find, either in the old world or the new, another country contain- 
ing such heteiogcncous racial elements within the limited space of 
54,000 square kilometres Here we find tlic fieiy Magyar, the melan- 
choly Roumanian, the stolid Saxon, the merry, thieving Tzigane, the 
wily Jew, and the solemn Armenian, all living together cheek by 
]Owl in about the following proportions — 

Hung 111 ina 
fe ixons 


] 200,100 

50. 000 

8 000 

Though each of these half-dozen races is as virtually different from 
the other five as an Englishman is unlike a Frenchman, or a Pole 
differs from a Spaniard, though each, in possessing its own religion, 
customs and superstitions, its individual interests and aspirations, well 
deserves the attention of any ethnologist, theife are two which seem 
to me of peculiar and paramount interest, as embodying the 
spirit of the past and of the future in sharp and effective contrast 
In the one we have the memory, in the other the promise of a noble 
manhood, for if the Saxons were men but yesterday, so the Rouma- 
nians will be men to-morrow, and while the former are rapidly 
degenerating into mere fossil antiquities, physically deteriorated from 
constant intermarriage, and morally opposed to any sort of progress 
involving amalgamation with the surrounding races, so the latter 
will be at their pnme a few generations hence, when they have had 



time to shake oiF the habits of slavery and have learned to recognize 
their own \alue 

These Saxons, whom we find to-day living iff isolated colonies all 
over Tiansvhania, appear to have come hither about seven centuries 
ago at the invitation of the Hungarian king, Geysa II In thus 
summoning Geiman colonists to replenish the scantily peopled land, 
the Hungarian king displayed wisdom and forethought far in advance 
of his time, as was proved by the result It was a bargain by which 
both sides were equally benefited, and consequently induced to 
keep the contract, for while the Germans obtained freedom which 
they could not have in their own country, so their presence was a 
guarantee to the monarch that this province would not be torn 
from his crown 

The question of what precise part of the German Fatherland was 
the home of these outwanderers is enveloped in some obscurity 
They have retained no certain records to guide us to a eonclusion, 
and German chroniclers of that time make no mention of then 
departure Doubtless the Crusades, which were then cngiossing 
every mind, caused these emigrations to pass comparatively uri 
noticed Only a sort of vague floating tradition is preserved to this 
day mmany of the Transylvanian villages, where, on vMiiter evenings, 
some old grandam, shrivelled and bent, sitting ensconced behind the 
bluc-tilcd stove, will relate to the listening grandchildren crowding 
around licr knees, how many, m iny hundred years ago then ancestors 
once dwelt on the sci-shore, next to the mouth of four rivers, which 
all flowed out of a larger and mightier river In this shadowy 
descnption, probably the rivei Rhine is to be recognized, the more 
so that m the year 11115, these German colonists are, in a jet exist- 
ing document, referred to as Flandercrs The name of Sachsen 
(Saxons) ?^as they now call themselves, was only much later used as 
their general designation 

Although the Hungarian kings kept their given word to the emi- 
grants rig at nobly, yet these latter had much to suffer, both from 
Hungarian nobles jealous of their privileges, and from the mor^ ancient 
inhabitants of the soil, the Wallachians, who, living in the mountains 
in a thoroughly barbaric state, used to make frequent raids down 
mto the plains and valleys, there to pillage, burn and murder what- 
ever came m their way If wc add to this the frequent invasions of 
Turks and Tartars, it is a positive marvel how this handful of Ger- 
mans, brought into a strange land and surrounded by enemies on all 
sides, should have maintained their independence and preserved their 
individuality under such combination of circumstances They built 
churches and fortresses, they founded schools and guilds, they made 
their own laws and elected their own judges , and, in an age when 
Hungarian nobles could scarcely read or wnte, these little German 



colonies were so many havens of civilization midst a howling wilder- 
ness of Ignorance and barbarism 

Whoever has lived among these Transylvanian SaxonS; and has 
taken the trouble to study them, must have remaiked that not only 
seven centuries' residence m a foreign land has made them lose none 
of their identity, but that they are in fact phis caiholiques que It 
pape — tint is to say, more thoroughly Teutonic than the Germans 
living to-day m the original Fatherland , and it is just because of 
the adverse circumstances in which they were placed, and of the 
opposition which met them on all sides, that these people have kept 
themselves so conservatively unchanged Feeling that every step in 
another direction would be a step towards an enemy, finding that 
every concession tliev made was in danger of becoming the link of a 
captive's chain, no wonder they clung stubbornly, tenaciously, 
blindly, to every ancient custom and superstition, to each peculiaiity 
of language and costume in a raannci which has probably not got its 
parallel in history Left on their native soil, and surrounded by 
friends and coiinti j men, these people would undoubtedly have 
followed the current of time, and have changed as other nations liavo 
changed Their isolated position, and the peculiar circumstances of 
their surioundings have kept them what they were Like a faithful 
portrait taken in the piimc of life, the copy still goes on showing 
the bloom of the cheek and the light of the eye long aftci Time's 
destroying hand, witheiiug the original, has caused it to lose all 
resemblance to its formci self, and it is with something of the 
feeling of gazing at such an old portrait that we contemplate these 
German people, who dicss themselves to-day like old bas leliefs of 
the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, and continue to hoard up 
provisions within the fortified church-walls as lu the days when 
besieged by Tuik or Tartar 

From an artistic point of view, these Saxons are decidedly an 
unlovely I ce, having something unfinished and wooden in their 
general aj ^earance Looking at them, I always felt mjselt 
irresistibly reminded of the figures uf Noah and his family out of a 
cheap — a veiy cheap — toy Noah's ark Nor is their expression in 
agreeable one, something hard and grasping, avaricious and mis- 
trustful, characteiizing them as a rule But this is scarcely their 
fault, their expression, like their character, being but the natural 
result of circumstances, the result of seven centuries' stubborn 
resistance and warfare The habit of mistrust developed almost to 
an instinct, cannot so quickly be got nd of, even if there be no 
longer cause to justify it This defensive attitude towards strangers 
manifested by the Saxons, makes it, however, difficult to feel 
prepossessed in their favour Taken m the sense of antiquities, they 
are, no doubt, extremely interesting, but viewed as living men and 



women they are not attractive, and though one cannot help admiring 
the solid viitues and independent spirit which have kept them what 
they trc, \ct somehow they contrive to make these very virtues 
disagreeable, and to appear to disadvantage hesidc their less civilized, 
less educated, and less sciupulous neighbours the Roumanians 

Tt IS inteiestmg to trace by what means these Saxons have 
contrived to keep themselves intact from all outward influences Not 
without difficulty, as we see by ancient chronicles, has their costume 
been kept thus iigidly unchanged, for here, like elsewhere, even 
among these quiet, practical, prosaic, and unlovely people, the demon 
of vanity has been at work, and much eloquence was expended from 
the pulpit, and many severe punishments had to be prescribed, m 
order to subdue the evil spirit of fashion threatening to spread over 
the land at various times So m 1651 we find a whole set of dress 
regulations issued by the bishop of one of the Transyhanian districts, 
of which here are a few samples — 

1 The men shall wear neither blue nor yellow boots, nor shall the 
women venture to approach the holy sacrament or tlie baptismal 
font in red shoes, and whosoever confoims not to this regulation 
shall be refused admittance to church 

2 All imitations of the Hungarian dress in the matter of waist- 
coats, braids, galloons, &.c , are pioscribcd to the men 

3 It IS likcw ise forbidden for men and foi serving-men to wear their 
hail m a long forcignfashion,hangingdownbchind,for that is dishonoui 

^ If a man have long hair it is a shame unto him (1 Cor m 14) 

1 The peasant folk shall wear no high boots, and no wide woollen 
hats, nor an embroidered belt, for he is a peasant W ho is seen 
wearing such will expose himself to ridicule, and the boots shall be 
drawn off his legs that he shall go barefoot